Nuclear Age Peace Foundation

Tag: United Nations

  • Kiribati and Kazakhstan’s UN Resolution on Nuclear Justice

    Kiribati and Kazakhstan’s UN Resolution on Nuclear Justice

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    The nuclear age began in 1945, with the United States developing three atomic bombs that year, using one in a nuclear test, called Trinity, in New Mexico, and two more in attacks on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Since that time, many other countries acquired nuclear weapons and currently, nine countries posess them across three continents. The nuclear weapons development programs all involved testing of both atomic and hydrogen bombs. Over 2000 nuclear tests took place around the world, causing devastating humanitarian consequences. Many of the affected communities have been left to fend for themselves in face of physical and mental health impacts, and loss of land, culture, and sustainable practices.

    Kiribati and Kazakhstan, two countries affected by Soviet and United Kingdom/United States nuclear testing programs, respectively, have been spearheading the fight for nuclear justice.  As part of the 78th United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), they have tabled a resolution entitled “Addressing the Legacy of Nuclear Weapons: Providing Victim Assistance and Environmental Remediation to Member States Affected by the Use or Testing of Nuclear Weapons.” The resolution seeks to utilize the framework of multilateral treaties to promote victim assistance and environmental assessment and remediation, requests support for affected states, and promotes public awareness and education around the International Day Against Nuclear Tests. It is currently under consideration by the First Committee of UNGA.

    The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation is proud to support the work of the Republics of Kazakhstan and Kiribati. Our Policy and Advocacy Coordinator, Christian N. Ciobanu, serves as the TPNW Advisor for the Mission of Kiribati and has been deeply involved in every step of this effort. We see the issue of supporting victims of nuclear use and testing as intimately connected to nuclear abolition itself. It is about righting the historical wrongs, but also making sure that such harm and suffering never happen again.

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    Read the text of the resolution HERE.

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  • ICAN Statement to the UN High Level Meeting on Nuclear Disarmament

    ICAN Statement to the UN High Level Meeting on Nuclear Disarmament

    I’m speaking today on behalf of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons. With 532 partner organizations in 103 countries, we are a truly global movement. We were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2017 for our work with governments to bring to fruition the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.

    We’re speaking here today as a voice of passion and persistence in the quest to make our world more secure, more just, and more equitable. For us, abolishing nuclear weapons is about preventing violence and promoting peace.

    Some say this is a dream, that we live in a time of uncertainty and change, that we can’t or shouldn’t try to eliminate nuclear weapons now. But when is there not uncertainty and change? It is the only constant in our world.

    What is true is that we live in a time where we spend more money developing new ways to kill each other than we do on saving each other from crises of health, housing, food security, and environmental degradation.

    What is also true is that after 73 years, we still live under the catastrophic threat of the atomic bomb.

    We should have solved this. We haven’t only because a small handful of governments say they have a “right” to these weapons to maintain “strategic stability”.

    It is neither strategic nor stable to deploy thousands of nuclear weapons, risking total annihilation of us all. It is neither strategic nor stable to spend billions of dollars on nuclear weapons when billions of people suffer from our global inability to meet basic human needs for all.

    And it is certainly neither strategic nor stable to reject and to undermine a treaty that prohibits these weapons.

    In July 2017, the most democratic body of the United Nations adopted the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. 122 governments supported the Treaty then. Now, they are signing and ratifying it. Significant progress has been made towards its entry into force. More will join today, at a special ceremony here in the UN. If you haven’t yet joined, we encourage you to do so. If you can’t do it today, do it tomorrow. Every new signature and ratification builds momentum for the abolition of nuclear weapons.

    We know some of you are experiencing pressure not to sign or ratify this treaty, just as many of you were subjected to pressure not to support the development of the treaty, not to participate in negotiations, and not to vote for its adoption. The governments that espouse the “value” of the bomb don’t want this treaty to enter into force.

    This is because they already feel its power. They know what it means for their policies and practices of nuclear violence. It is already disrupting the financial flows needed to maintain the industry around nuclear weapons. Just today, ICAN campaigners visited BNP Paribas offices around the world to demand the bank divest from nuclear weapons.

    This treaty is about bolstering the rule of law and protecting humanity. No one is safe as long as nuclear weapons exist. The death and destruction they cause cut across border, across generations. They undermine the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. They undermine our commitments to preventing climate change, promoting peace and equality, and protecting human rights.

    This treaty is the new international standard on nuclear weapons. It compliments, but is not subordinate to, existing agreements aimed at controlling nuclear weapons. It goes further than any of these other instruments, making it clear that the possession of nuclear weapons is illegitimate, irresponsible, and illegal.

    We know there is more work to be done. We have proven, collectively, that we are not afraid of hard work. So to all those governments and activists listening: please keep at it. The world changes when people work together relentlessly to change it. Don’t give up. Stand strong, stand together, and make it clear that we are living in a new reality in which nuclear weapons are illegal and where the only option for any reasonable state is to reject and eliminate them.

    It’s time to sign the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.

    This statement was delivered by Ray Acheson on September 26, 2018.

  • The 69th United Nations First Committee

    During the 69th Session of the First Committee, states discussed effective measures or rather the lack of effective measures associated with nuclear disarmament. In her opening statement to the First Committee, Ms. Rose Gottemoeller, Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security of the US, claimed that the US is committed to Article VI of the NPT. She specified that the US is striving to achieve a world without nuclear weapons, and it would be a mistake for states to question the US’ commitments. She further cited that the US “has made clear of its readiness to discuss further nuclear reductions with the Russian Federation, but progress requires a willing partner and a good environment.”

    If the US and the other Nuclear Weapon States were truly committed to their Article VI commitments, then they would demonstrate their convictions on engaging in good faith negotiations on nuclear disarmament. However, many states and NGOs have argued that the US and other Nuclear Weapon States are not following through with their commitments as detailed in the legal arguments set forth by the Republic of the Marshall Islands.

    Expressing the importance of the lawsuits by the Republic of the Marshall Islands, the delegation of Fiji, on behalf of the Pacific Small Island Developing States, reminded delegations that the “Republic of the Marshall Islands is taking action before the International Court of Justice aimed at holding all nuclear-armed states to account for their failure to engage in good-faith negotiations for nuclear disarmament, as required by the NPT and customary international law.” In addition, the delegation of Palau proclaimed that it “stands in solidarity with the Republic of the Marshall Islands – a nation heavily affected by these tests – in its legal proceedings before the International Court of Justice aimed at compelling the nuclear-armed states to fulfill their legal obligation to disarm.”

    Conveying the lack of progress in implementing Article VI commitments, Mr. Breifne O’Reilly of the Irish delegation noted that the continuing failure to achieve progress on nuclear disarmament militates against our efforts to pursue non-proliferation. Moreover, he referred to the New Agenda Coalition’s working paper to the 2014 NPT PrepCom on effective measures related to nuclear disarmament to illustrate the different possible paths associated with nuclear disarmament. He further questioned whether the Nuclear Weapon States’ decisions to upgrade and modernize their nuclear weapons are consistent with their commitments set forth in the 2010 NPT Action Plan.

    Interestingly, the delegation of Palau announced that it is time for the international community to support a ban on nuclear weapons. A ban treaty would “put nuclear weapons on the same legal footing as chemical and biological weapons, which have been comprehensively prohibited. A nuclear weapons ban would also be an effective measure towards the fulfillment of Article VI.” In addition, the delegate claimed that negotiations on a ban treaty could even begin without the nuclear-armed states. Finally, this treaty could establish a normative effect and represent a step towards creating a world free of nuclear weapons.

    As states discussed effective measures on nuclear disarmament, New Zealand presented a joint statement on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons on behalf of 155 states. H.E. Ambassador Dell Higgie of New Zealand noted that there is a growing amount of political support amongst states and civil society for a humanitarian focus on nuclear disarmament.

    For the first time ever, Sweden joined New Zealand’s joint statement on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons. In a surprisingly strong statement, H.E. Ambassador Grunditz informed delegations that Sweden “firmly believes that the humanitarian perspective can contribute to next year’s NPT Review Conference by providing new energy to the debate, impetus to accelerate disarmament, and information to new generations on the dangers of nuclear weapons.”

    Although numerous states endorsed New Zealand’s joint statement on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons, 20 states signed Australia’s statement. In contrast to New Zealand’s joint statement, the Australian joint statement noted that the elimination of nuclear weapons is only possible if states were to engage in constructive engagements with the Nuclear Weapon States. Moreover, the delegation of Australia argued that several practical contributions to achieving a world free of nuclear weapons would include: unblocking the Conference on Disarmament, begin negotiations for a Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty (FMCT), and bring into the entry of force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.

    Key Resolutions

    The First Committee approved several key resolutions related to nuclear disarmament. These resolutions include the following:

    1. A/C.1/69/L.21 Taking Forward Multilateral Nuclear Disarmament Negotiations, Lead Sponsors: Austria, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ireland, Liechtenstein, Malta, Mexico, New Zealand, Nigeria, Peru, Philippines, Slovenia and Switzerland
    1. A/C.1/69/L.22 Decreasing the Operational Readiness of the Nuclear Weapons Systems, Lead Sponsors: Chile, Malaysia, New Zealand, Nigeria, and Switzerland
    2. A/C.1/69/L.44 Follow-up to the 2013 high-level Meeting of the General Assembly on Nuclear Disarmament, Lead Sponsor: Indonesia, on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement
    3. A/C.1/69/L.47 Women, Disarmament, Non-proliferation and Arms control: Leader Sponsors: Australia, Austria, Bolivia, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chile, Colombia, Comoros, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Finland, France, Guatemala, Guyana, Ireland, Jamaica, Kyrgyzstan, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, Portugal, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Thailand, Trinidad and Tobago, Turkey, and United States of America

    In regards to L. 21 entitled Taking forward multilateral nuclear disarmament

    Negotiations, this resolution focused on the work of the Opened-Ended Working Group on Nuclear Disarmament, which was held in Geneva throughout 2013. The resolution specified that the 70th UN General Assembly would examine whether it would be necessary to reconvene the group. 152 states voted in favor of it, 4 voted against it, and 22 abstained from voting on the resolution. Among the states, which voted against the resolution were the US, UK, France, and the Russian Federation, which also boycotted the 2013 Session of the OEWG in Geneva. Moreover, in the US, UK, and France’s joint statement against the resolution, the states claimed that they were concerned about the resolution’s inconsistency to the 2010 NPT Action Plan. In addition, they argued that the resolution contains limited references to the urgency for the early commencement of the FMCT and detracted from the consensus approach, which was embodied in the 2010 NPT Action Plan. They were further displeased that the OEWG solely focused on nuclear disarmament instead of examining nonproliferation issues as well.

    In terms of L. 22 entitled Decreasing the Operational Readiness Status of the Nuclear Weapons System, this resolution focused on nuclear de-alerting. 163 states voted in favor of the resolution, 10 states abstained from voting, and 4 voted against the resolution. In a joint statement against the resolution, the US, UK, and France strongly argued that the dynamic relationship between security and alert status of the nuclear weapons systems is much more complicated than the co-sponsors of the resolution suggested in the resolution. They further asserted that their command and control systems are robust and safeguarded. Thus, they claimed that the risks of accidental launch or mistakes are minimum.

    Regarding L. 44 on the follow-up to the 2013 high-level meeting on nuclear disarmament in the General Assembly, this resolution requires the UN General Assembly to establish an international conference on nuclear disarmament by 2018 and calls for the establishment of a nuclear weapons convention. 135 states voted in favor of the resolution, 24 voted against it, and 18 abstained from it. As part of their joint statement against the resolution, the delegations of UK, France, and US noted that the HLM did not engage in substantive discussions on neither nuclear nonproliferation nor noncompliance issues. They were further concerned about the lack of references to the 2010 NPT Action Plan in the resolution. The states also claimed that if the conference were to be convened in 2018, then it may detract from the success of the upcoming 2015 NPT Review Conference. Finally, the three states contended that all states should engage in the steps-by-steps approach, which includes negotiations and early commencement of the FMCT, and the immediate entry into force of the CTBT.

    The First Committee further adopted L.47 entitled Women, Disarmament, Non-proliferation and Arms Control. The resolution requires the UN General Assembly “to provide equal opportunities for women in all decision making, as related to the prevention and reduction of armed violence and armed conflict. It also urges states to strengthen the effective participation of women in disarmament-related organisations at the local, national, subregional and regional levels.”

    Originally, preambular paragraph 8 contained the phrase “serious acts of violence against women and children.” This section was deleted and orally revised to “noting the imminent entry into force of the Arms Trade Treaty and therefore encourages States parties to fully implement all the provision of the Treaty including the provisions on serious acts of gender-based violence.”

    Due to the changes in the preambular paragraph, delegates called for a vote instead of adopting the resolution without a vote. 139 states voted in favor of the revised text and 24 abstained from voting. As a result of the section about the Arms Trade Treaty, Iran, India, Syria and Armenia abstained from the vote. Luckily, as a whole, 171 states approved the resolution, and numerous states commended the resolution.

    Overall, substantial discussions were held on nuclear disarmament by progressive states and the Nuclear Weapon States. In addition, drawing upon US, France and the UK’s responses to several substantial resolutions on nuclear disarmament, there are concerns on whether the P5 will continue to impede the process of establishing a world without nuclear weapons. The discourse about building blocks merely shows their unwillingness to support any bold steps and fulfill their Article VI commitments. Therefore, the non-nuclear weapon states and members of civil society are tasked with creating a ban treaty.

     

  • Nuclear Weapons and the International Security Context

    This statement, signed by over 100 civil society organizations, was delivered at the United Nations General Assembly’s First Committee on October 28, 2014.

    At the 2010 Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty Review Conference, states parties reaffirmed their commitment to a “diminishing role for nuclear weapons in security policies to minimize the risk that these weapons ever be used and to facilitate the process of their total elimination.”[i] Nearly five years have passed; another Review Conference is in the offing. Nuclear stockpiles of civilization-destroying size persist, and progress on disarmament has stalled.[ii]

    The commitment to diminish the role of nuclear weapons in security policies assumed that de-coupling nuclear weapons from conventional military forces would help facilitate elimination of nuclear arsenals. Yet there has been little progress in reducing the role of nuclear weapons. All nuclear-armed states are modernizing their nuclear arsenals. Modernization efforts include development by the leading nuclear weapons states of new nuclear-capable missiles, aircraft, and submarines that will incorporate advances in stealth and accuracy.[iii]   Publicly available information shows that nuclear weapons continue to have a central role in security policies, and in the case of the United States, the integration of conventional and nuclear forces in current war planning.[iv] Potential adversaries of the United States see its advantage in long-range conventional forces as a rationale for retaining and modernizing their nuclear arsenals.

    The decoupling of nuclear from conventional military forces is further impeded by arms-racing in non-nuclear weapons of strategic significance. These include missile defenses, more accurate and powerful stand-off weapons, and concepts such as “prompt global strike” that aim to hit targets anywhere on earth with a non-nuclear payload in an hour or less. The United States has taken the lead, but many others are participating in this accelerating new arms race which is not constrained to a bi-polar confrontation.

    Nuclear war will not come as a bolt from the blue. It will come when national elites misjudge one another’s interests in a conflict on the borderlands of some nuclear-armed country, and “conventional” warfare escalates out of control. This is all the more likely in the 21st century strategic context where stealthy, precision stand-off weapons and delivery platforms face sophisticated and increasingly capable air and missile defenses, while electronic warfare measures target sensors and data-dependent systems. These elements can interact at levels of speed and complexity that defy human comprehension, much less rational decision-making.

    For more than two decades, the political and military elites of the leading nuclear-armed states have engaged in perilous double-think about their arsenals. They have assured their publics that the continued existence of nuclear weapons in civilization-destroying numbers no longer presented a real danger because the risk of war among nuclear-armed states was a feature of the Cold War, now safely past. At the same time, they have done everything necessary to keep catastrophe-capable nuclear arsenals long into the future, as a hedge against the day when the most powerful states again might make war with one another.

    Today we see a new round of confrontations among nuclear-armed states, in economic and political circumstances that bear worrisome resemblances to those that brought about the devastating wars of the 20th century. Amidst one crisis after another from Ukraine to the Western Pacific, the world’s most powerful militaries brandish their nuclear arms, while claiming that “routine” exercises with weapons of mass destruction pose no danger, could never be misconstrued or get out of hand.

    To those who view the world from the heights of power and privilege in nuclear-armed states, all this only gives further reason to hold on to the weapons they have, and to develop more. For the vast majority of humanity, struggling just to get by in a world of immensely stratified wealth and power, it means a return to madness, to a world where at any moment the people can be annihilated to preserve the state. The lack of urgency on disarmament in the ruling circles of the most powerful states should shock the conscience of every person who still has one.

    The growing risks of great power war and use of nuclear weapons make the abolition of nuclear weapons all the more imperative. It is far more likely to succeed if linked to economic equity, democracy, climate and environmental protection, and dismantlement of highly militarized security postures. For our part, Abolition 2000 members and partner groups are organizing a large-scale civil society conference, march and rally on these themes on the eve of the 2015 NPT Review Conference, the presentation of millions of signatures calling for the total ban and elimination of nuclear weapons, and local actions around the world.[v]

    [i] 2000 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Final Document, Volume I, NPT/CONF.2000/28 (Parts I and II), p.15; reaffirmed by 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Final Document, Volume I, p.19.

    [ii] See Hans M. Kristensen and Robert S. Norris, “Worldwide deployments of nuclear weapons, 2014,”Bulletin of Atomic Scientists online, 2014.

    [iii] Hans M. Kristensen and Robert S. Norris, “Slowing Nuclear Weapon Reductions and Endless Nuclear Weapon Modernizations: A Challenge to the NPT,” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 2014 No.70 p.94.

    [iv] Nuclear weapons continue to be a core element of NATO’s strategic concept, with the nuclear arsenals of the United States, France, and the United Kingdom considered to be the “supreme guarantee of the security of the Allies.” Active Engagement, Modern Defence : “Strategic Concept For the Defence and Security of The Members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation,” Adopted by Heads of State and Government in Lisbon, 19th November 2010. The 2014 Master Plan of the U.S. Air Force Global Strike Command, responsible for the missile and bomber elements of U.S. nuclear forces, states that “AFGSC [Air Force Global Strike Command] will maintain and improve its ability to employ nuclear weapons in a range of scenarios, to include integration with conventional operations….” U.S. Air Force Global Strike Command, Strategic Master Plan 2014, p.9. Russia’s most recent publicly available military doctrine document states that “ [t]he Russian Federation reserves the right to utilize nuclear weapons in response to the utilization of nuclear and other types of weapons of mass destruction against it and (or) its allies, and also in the event of aggression against the Russian Federation involving the use of conventional weapons when the very existence of the state is under threat.” http://carnegieendowment.org/files/2010russia_military_doctrine.pdf

    [v] Call to Action: Spring 2015 Mobilization for a nuclear free, fair, democratic, ecologically sustainable and peaceful future was released on 26 September, 2014, the first International Day for the Total Elimination of Nuclear Weapons. http://www.abolition2000.org/?p=3546

    — Statement coordinated by Western States Legal Foundation, Oakland, California, USA, a member of the Abolition 2000 Global Network to Eliminate Nuclear Weapons. Endorsed by 100 international, national, regional and local civil society organizations in 11 countries (plus 8 individuals for organizational identification only).

    Statement endorsed by:

    Action AWE, London, United Kingdom

    Arab Human Security Network, Damascus, Syria

    Architects/Designers/Planners for Social Responsibility, USA

    Ban All Nukes generation (BANg, international)

    Basel Peace Office, Basel, Switzerland

    Beacon Presbyterian Fellowship, Oakland, California, USA

    Beyond Nuclear, Takoma Park, Maryland, USA

    Brooklyn for Peace, New York City, New York, USA

    Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, United Kingdom

    Christians For The Mountains, Dunmore, West Virginia, USA

    Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace (CNDP), India

    CODEPINK, USA

    Code Pink Golden Gate Chapter (Bay Area Code Pink), California, USA

    Concerned Citizens for Nuclear Safety, Santa Fe, New Mexico, USA

    Crabshell Alliance, Baltimore, Maryland, USA

    Democratic World Federalists (international)

    Earth Action (international)

    Ecumenical Peace Institute/CALC (Clergy and Laity Concerned), Berkeley, California, USA

    Fairmont, MN Peace Group, Fairmont, Minnesota, USA

    Fellowship of Reconciliation, USA

    Western Washington Fellowship of Reconciliation, Washington, USA

    Friends Committee on National Legislation, USA

    Fukushima Response Bay Area, northern California, USA

    German chapter, International Association of Lawyers Against Nuclear Arms, Berlin, Germany

    Green Shadow Cabinet, USA

    International Network of Engineers and Scientists (INES)

    INND (Institute of Neurotoxicology & Neurological Disorders), Seattle, Washington, USA

    International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW)

    International Peace Bureau

    Japan Council against A and H Bombs (Gensuikyo), Japan

    Jeannette Rankin Peace Center, Missoula, Montana, USA

    Lawyers Committee on Nuclear Policy, New York City, New York, USA 

    Le Mouvement de la Paix, France

    LEPOCO Peace Center, Lehigh-Pocono Committee of Concern, Bethlehem, Pennsylvania,   USA

    Long Island Alliance for Peaceful Alternatives, Garden City, New York, USA

    Los Altos Voices for Peace, Los Altos, California, USA

    Metta Center for Nonviolence, Petaluma, California, USA 

    MLK (Martin Luther King) Coalition of Greater Los Angeles, Los Angeles, California, USA

    Montrose Peace Vigil, Montrose, California, USA

    Mt. Diablo Peace and Justice Center, Walnut Creek, California, USA

    Multifaith Voices for Peace & Justice, Palo Alto, California, USA 

    Nafsi Ya Jamii community center, Oakland, California, USA 

    Nevada Desert Experience, Las Vegas, Nevada, USA

    No Nukes Action Committee, northern California, USA/Japan 

    Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, Santa Barbara, California, USA

    Silicon Valley Chapter, Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, Menlo Park, California, USA

    Nuclear Information and Resource Service, Takoma Park, Maryland, USA

    Nuclear Watch New Mexico, Santa Fe, New Mexico, USA

    Nukewatch, Luck, Wisconsin, USA

    Oakland CAN (Community Action Network), Oakland, California, USA

    Oak Ridge Environmental Peace Alliance, Oak Ridge, Tennessee, USA 

    Office of the Americas, Santa Monica, California, USA

    Oregon PeaceWorks, Salem, Oregon, USA

    Our Developing World, Saratoga, California, USA

    Pacem in Terris, Wilmington, Delaware, USA

     Pax Christi International

    Pax Christi USA 

    Pax Christi Long Island, New York, USA 

    Pax Christi Metro New York, New York City, USA

    Peace Action, USA

    Peace Action West, California, USA

    Peace Action Staten Island, Staten Island, New York, USA 

    Peace Boat, Japan/international

    Peace Foundation, New Zealand

    Peaceworkers, San Francisco, California, USA

    People for Nuclear Disarmament, Australia

    Physicians for Social Responsibility, USA

    Physicians for Social Responsibility – Kansas City, Kansas City, Missouri, USA

    San Francisco Bay Area Chapter Physicians for Social Responsibility, California, USA

    Popular Resistance, USA

    Prague Vision Institute for Sustainable Security, Prague, Czech Republic

    Proposition One Campaign, Tryon, North Carolina, USA

    Rachel Carson Council, Bethesda, Maryland, USA

    Reach and Teach, San Mateo, California, USA

    Rocky Mountain Peace and Justice Center, Boulder, Colorado, USA

    RootsAction.org, USA

    Scientists for Peace, Germany

    Sisters of Charity Federation, North America

    Sisters of Charity of New York, New York City, New York, USA

     Soka Gakkai International (SGI)

    Swedish Peace Council, Sweden

    The Acronym Institute for Disarmament Diplomacy, United Kingdom

    The Colorado Coalition for the Prevention of Nuclear War, Denver, Colorado, USA

    The Ecological Options Network, EON, Bolinas, California, USA

    The Human Survival Project, University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia

    The Nuclear Resister, USA

    The Peace Farm, Amarillo, Texas, USA

    The United Methodist Church, General Board of Church and Society (international)

    Topanga Peace Alliance. California, USA

    Tri-Valley CAREs (Communities Against a Radioactive Environment), Livermore, California, USA

    2020 Action, USA

    United for Peace and Justice, USA

    United Nations Association, San Francisco, California, USA

    US Peace Council, USA

    Veterans for Peace, USA

    War Prevention Initiative, Portland, Oregon, USA

    WarIsACrime.org, USA

    Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom – US Section (WILPF US)

    World Future Council (international)

    World Peace Now, Point Arena, California, USA

    Dr. Joseph Gerson, American Friends Service Committee, USA*

    Stephen McNeil, American Friends Service Committee, Wage Peace program, San Francisco, California, USA*

    Aaron Tovish, International Campaign Director, Mayors for Peace 2020 Vision Campaign*

    David McReynolds, former Chair, War Resisters International*

    Rev. Marilyn Chilcote, Parish Associate St. John’s Presbyterian Church, Berkeley, California, USA*

    Sarah H. Lorya, MA, School Outreach Coordinator, AFS-USA, Inc.*

    Don Eichelberger, Abalone Alliance Safe Energy Clearinghouse, San Francisco, California, USA*

    Libbe HaLevy, Nuclear Hotseat Podcast, USA*

    *for purposes of identification only

  • How We Learned to Stop Playing With Blocks and Ban Nuclear Weapons

    Ray AchesonThis article was originally published by Reaching Critical Will.

    “It is in the interest of the very survival of humanity that nuclear weapons are never used again, under any circumstances.” This is the view of the 155 states that endorsed the joint statement delivered by Ambassador Dell Higgie of New Zealand. “The only way to guarantee that nuclear weapons will never be used again is through their total elimination.”

    The majority of states and their publics share this view. It is only a handful of states, generally among the most wealthy in the world, that have consistently resisted progress in this area.

    Another 20 countries signed onto a separate statement calling on states to address the “important security and humanitarian dimensions of nuclear weapons.” Delivered by the Australian delegation, this statement suggested that working “methodically and with realism” is the way to “attain the necessary confidence and transparency to bring about nuclear disarmament.”

    By this, the 20 countries refer to the “step-by-step” or “building blocks” approach. As outlined by an all-male panel hosted by Japan and the Netherlands last week, the blocks include, among other things, entry into force of the Comprehensive nuclear Test Ban Treaty, negotiation of a fissile materials cut-off treaty, reducing the role of nuclear weapons in security doctrines, increasing transparency of and de-alerting nuclear forces, and arsenal reductions.

    Yet as the Irish delegation pointed out, these actions—while welcome to the extent that they lead to concrete disarmament—do not constitute implementation of article VI of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Article VI calls for an effective multilateral framework for nuclear disarmament and the end to the nuclear arms race. “Until we put in place the framework,” argued Breifne O’Reilly of Ireland, “we all stand accused of failing to implement our NPT obligations.”

    It is the responsibility of all NPT states parties to pursue effective measures for nuclear disarmament. Yet supporters of the step-by-step or building blocks approach seem unwilling to put these “blocks” in place themselves. Some of them host US nuclear weapons on their soil, without acknowledging their presence. Most of these states include nuclear weapons in their security doctrines via NATO, which has not taken a collective decision to reduce the role of this weapon of mass destruction in its military doctrine.

    So far, none of these states have been open to articulating a clear legal prohibition against nuclear weapons, even though, as Costa Rica noted, the prohibition of weapons with unacceptable humanitarian impacts has typically preceded their elimination. The Irish delegation pointed out that without the clear prohibition against chemical weapons, these weapons would probably not now be so universally condemned and subject to a specified programme of elimination.

    Maritza Chan expressed Costa Rica’s willingness to join a diplomatic process to negotiate a treaty prohibiting nuclear weapons, even if the nuclear-armed states are unwilling to participate. She argued that such a treaty would establish a strong legal norm against the use, possession, and deployment of nuclear weapons and represent a significant step towards their complete elimination.

    Palau’s delegation agreed with the utility of this approach, noting that such a treaty could compel states to reject any role for nuclear weapons in their military doctrines, prevent nuclear sharing, and prohibit investments in nuclear weapons production. The Thai delegation, among others, expressed a firm conviction that is time to “initiate negotiations on a legal instrument to comprehensively ban nuclear weapons.”

    The countries resisting this approach argue that the “security context” is not ripe for pursuing such an effective measure. Australia continues to demand that “we” need to address the security dimensions of nuclear weapon possession. The nuclear-armed states of course want to focus on their own perceived security interests. France asserted that disarmament cannot move forward if it “ignores” the “strategic context.” The United Kingdom argued that “we do not yet have the right political and security conditions for those without nuclear weapons to feel no need to acquire them, nor for those who do have them to no longer feel the need to keep them. Nor is it possible to identify a timeframe for those conditions.” The UK even argued that “nuclear weapons are not per se inherently unacceptable” and that they have “helped to guarantee our security, and that of our allies, for decades.”

    This is a dangerous narrative, noted Ireland. In effect, it makes an argument in favour of proliferation. “Every state on earth has a strategic context,” noted Mr. O’Reilly. Arguing that nuclear weapons are good for some is the same as arguing they are good for all. They either provide security or they don’t. Their consequences are either acceptable or unacceptable.

    The majority of states, international organisations, and civil society groups have articulated clearly that nuclear weapons do not provide security and that the consequences of their use are wholly unacceptable. There is no ambiguity here. But the narrative of “conditions” ensures that nuclear disarmament is perpetually punted down the road to some unknown, possibly unattainable future state of affairs in which the world is at peace and security is guaranteed through some other imagined means.

    Most states reject this utopian view. The majority considers the prohibition and elimination of nuclear weapons to be a key step in the pursuit of peace, global justice, and security for all.

    Some states have already put this approach into practice. Sweden’s delegation explained that it discontinued its nuclear weapons research and development programme in the 1960s because it believed that abolition was the safest option both for its people and for the rest of the world. Focusing on preconditions, Sweden argued, will not help overcome challenges nor uphold commitments.

    At the 2000 NPT Review Conference, Sweden noted, the nuclear-armed states committed themselves unequivocally to eliminate their nuclear arsenals without any preconditions. Today, however, the nuclear-armed states and their allies have retracted from this commitment and from any other that rejects the legality or utility of nuclear weapons. They continue to pursue a path that has proven incapable of addressing the core obligation to eliminate nuclear weapons.

    The continued stalemate in pursuing the “building blocks” specified by nuclear weapons dependent governments suits their interests only. It supports and even seeks to legitimise the continued possession of nuclear weapons by a select few. These states reject the most feasible, practical, and meaningful “building block” available under current circumstances—the prohibition of nuclear weapons—precisely because it would be an effective measure for nuclear disarmament.

    Yet at the same time, they insist they do not have a predetermined course for action. “Each step builds on past steps and provides a foundation for future action,” argued the US delegation. “The temporary inability to make progress in one area does not preclude progress in others or prevent us from putting in place the building blocks for a comprehensive approach to disarmament.”

    This is a compelling argument for pursuing a treaty banning nuclear weapons. While the nuclear-armed states and their allies resist negotiations on the comprehensive elimination of these weapons, the rest of the world can begin to establish the framework for this by developing a clear legal standard prohibiting these weapons for all. This will take courage. But it is a logical, feasible, achievable, and above all, effective measure for nuclear disarmament.

  • Global Problems Call for Global Solutions

    Lawrence WittnerSometimes, amid the heated political debate about what should done by the U.S. government in world affairs, a proposal cuts through the TV babble of the supposed experts with a clear, useful suggestion.

    That proposal came on August 17, when Pope Francis told journalists how he thought the world should cope with the challenge posed by ISIS, the Islamic militant group engaged in murderous behavior in Syria and Iraq.  “One nation alone cannot judge how you stop this,” he said, in an apparent reference to U.S. action against ISIS crimes.  Instead, the United Nations is the proper forum to “discuss ‘Is there an unjust aggression’ ” and “ ‘How should we stop it?’  Just this.  Nothing more.”

    The idea that the responsibility for dealing with global problems lies with the world community rather than with individual nations is not a popular one among the governments of the major military powers.  Indeed, they seem to believe that they are justified in doing whatever they want in the world if it serves what they consider their “national interest.”  The Russian government, angered at NATO’s eastward expansion and at political developments in Ukraine, annexed Crimea and armed pro-Russian separatists.  The Israeli government, attempting to incorporate Palestinian territory it conquered 47 years ago into greater Israel, has moved 500,000 settlers onto the land and staged bloody military invasions of Gaza to crush resistance.  Anxious to control the oil-rich Middle East, the U.S. government launched a military invasion and occupation of Iraq that led to enormous bloodshed in that country and the destabilization of the entire region.  And numerous other governments with powerful military forces have behaved in much the same manner, thereby helping to foster a chaotic and violent world.

    This aggressive use of military force is not a new phenomenon.  Indeed, it’s been par for the course throughout the history of nations and, before that, the history of competing territories.  It’s what brought the world to the brink of total disaster during World Wars I and II.

    What is new is the dawning recognition that the world can no longer continue down this destructive path―that the competition among nations must be handled within the framework of an international security system.  After all, there is no reason to assume that any individual nation can divorce itself from its own special “interests” and adopt an impartial stance when it comes to world affairs. Despite the claims of rabid nationalists and theocrats, God has not decreed that their nation should rule the world.  Instead, an institution representing all nations should speak for the international community.

    Based on this recognition―one helped along by two world wars―numerous governments reluctantly agreed in the twentieth century to develop the League of Nations and, when this new institution proved too weak to be effective, the United Nations.  In the words of the UN charter, the United Nations was founded “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war,” as well as to “to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights,” “to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained,” and “to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom.”

    In the immediate aftermath of World War II―which left 60 million dead and a world in ruins―the governments of powerful nations paid lip service to the United Nations and to the international security system it represented.  Sometimes, they even fell into line with its decisions.

    But, unfortunately, they were soon back at their old game.  The United States and the Soviet Union occupied other nations, launched military invasions, and staged covert operations around the world in their bitter Cold War conflict with one another.  France fought vicious colonial wars to subdue independence struggles in Indochina and Algeria.  Britain, France, and Israel invaded Egypt.  China annexed Tibet and invaded India and Vietnam.  India and Pakistan squared off to fight numerous border wars.  In the context of this persistent flouting of international law by the great powers and some others, the United Nations managed to remain the conscience of the world and to engage in humanitarian projects, but was gradually drained of its power to enforce world security.

    Clearly, this is a profoundly dangerous situation, especially when the nations of the world spend $1.75 trillion a year on war and preparations for war.  An array of global problems―including not only national insecurity, but climate change, disease, and poverty―cry out for global solutions.  But we are not likely to see these solutions in a world of international anarchy, one in which the “national interest” continues to trump the human interest.

    It’s time―indeed, long past time―for governments to strengthen the United Nations and, as Pope Francis has reminded us, to respect its authority as the voice of the world community.

  • Briefing Paper for the 2014 Non-Proliferation Treaty Conference

    The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation has published a briefing paper for the Third Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT PrepCom).

    The briefing paper opens with a description of the Nuclear Zero Lawsuits filed by the Marshall Islands against all nine nuclear-armed nations on April 24, 2014. The paper also includes the exact text of the application filed against the United Kingdom at the International Court of Justice.

    To download a free copy of the briefing paper, click here or on the image below.

     

    2014 NPT PrepCom Briefing Paper

  • Rejecting the Rule of Law

    The most important lesson one can acquire about US foreign policy is the understanding that our leaders do not mean well. They do not have any noble goals of democracy and freedom and all that jazz. They aim to dominate the world by any means necessary. And as long as an American believes that the intentions are noble and honorable, it’s very difficult to penetrate that wall. That wall surrounds the thinking and blocks any attempt to make them realize the harm being done by US foreign policy.
    — William Blum, former member of the US State Department, author of Killing Hope: US Military and CIA Interventions since World War II

    alice_slaterMore than 5,000 satellites have been launched into orbit since the space age began. Today, eleven countries have space launch capability, with over sixty countries operating about 1,100 active satellites orbiting the earth providing a constant stream of data and information relied upon for critical civilian communications as well as for military operations by some. As we grow ever more dependent on the ability of these satellites to perform their essential functions without interruption, there are growing concerns that this useful technology is giving rise to a new battleground in space for the purpose of sabotaging or destroying the vital services our space-based communications now provide.

    The US and Russia have been testing anti-satellite technology (ASAT) since the space age began, and have even contemplated using  nuclear tipped ballistic missiles to destroy space assets. In 1967, the US and Russia  realized it would be in their interest to support the 1967 Outer Space Treaty, which banned the placement of nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction in space, although they failed to ban the use of conventional weapons in space. And in 1972 they agreed to sign the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM) to slow down the space race and the ability to harm each other’s assets in space. Unfortunately, George Bush walked out of the ABM treaty in 2002, and the race to weaponize space was on once again in full force. China is getting into the act too, having launched, in 2007, a device which destroyed one of its aging weather satellites orbiting in space. The US followed suit in 2008, destroying a non-functioning satellite, while both nations denied any military mission for their acts, claiming they were merely trying to destroy outdated satellites that no longer functioned.

    With the proliferation of military spacecraft such as imaging and communications satellites and ballistic missile and anti-missile systems which often pass through outer space, there have been numerous efforts in the UN Committee on Disarmament (CD) to outlaw the weaponization of space through a legally binding treaty. But the United States is having none of it. In the CD, which requires consensus to take action, the US has been the only nation to block every vote to begin negotiations on such a treaty, with Israel generally abstaining in support. Russia and China actually prepared a draft treaty to ban weapons in space in 2008, but the US blocked the proposal, voting against it each year thereafter when it was reintroduced for consideration, saying the proposal was “a diplomatic ploy by the two nations to gain a military advantage”.

    While continuing to block a legally binding treaty to ban weapons in space, the US has recently begun to work with a group of nations in a new initiative that began in the European Union in 2008, proposing a “Code of Conduct  for Outer Space Activities“  which would lay out a non-binding set of rules of the road for a safer and more responsible environment in space. Some of its key objectives are to mitigate damage to satellites that could be caused by space debris orbiting the earth, to avoid the potential of destructive collisions, and to manage the crowding of satellites and the saturation of the radio-frequency spectrum, as well as to address direct threats of hostility to assets in space. At first, the US rejected any support for the Code, but has now agreed to participate in drafting a new version based on the third iteration from the European Union. Obama’s Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, Rose Gottemoeller, acknowledged in 2012 the necessity for a Code to deal with orbital debris and “other irresponsible actions in space”, while at the same time, noting that:

    It is important to clarify several points with respect to the code. It is still under development, we would not subscribe to any code unless it protects and enhances our national security, and the code would not be legally binding.

    In addition, the US is insisting on a provision in this third version of the Code of Conduct that, while making a voluntary promise to “refrain from any action which brings about, directly or indirectly, damage, or destruction, of space objects”, qualifies that directive with the language “unless such action is justified”. One justification given for destructive action is “the Charter of the United Nations including the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense”, thus lending legitimacy and codifying the possibility for warfare in space as part of the Code’s established norm. And while the Charter of the United Nations prohibits aggressive action by any nation without Security Council approval unless a nation acts in self-defense, we know there have been numerous occasions where nations have by-passed the Security Council to take aggressive action, often protesting they were acting in self-defense. Instead of banning ASAT development and warfare, this Code justifies such warfare as long as it’s done, individually and collectively, under the guise of “self-defense”. Thus despite lacking the force of law that would be established with a legally binding treaty, this new US version of the Code creates, as the norm it is proposing, a possibility for space warfare. Our world deserves better!

    Alice Slater is NAPF’s New York representative and serves on the Council of the Global Network Against Weapons and Nuclear Power in Space

  • US Plans Nuclear Missile Test On Day of UN Disarmament Meeting

    Santa Barbara, CA – Just hours after the conclusion of the International Day of Peace on September 21st, the United States conducted a test of an unarmed Minuteman III Inter-Continental Ballistic Missile (ICBM). The missile was launched from Vandenberg Air Force Base in California to the Kwajalein Atoll in the Marshall Islands.

    The Air Force has also announced it plans to test another Minuteman III missile in the early morning hours of September 26th.  Later that same day, the United Nations General Assembly will be holding its first-ever High-Level Meeting on Nuclear Disarmament.

    “These tests are acts of arrogance, actually hubris of the highest order,” said David Krieger, President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. He continued, “Instead of participating at the Presidential level in the UN High-Level Meeting, the US is sending its missiles flying. What kind of example of leadership is this from President Obama, a Nobel Peace Laureate who has eloquently stated that America has a ‘commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons.’?”

    Krieger further commented, “The UN High-Level Meeting on Nuclear Disarmament offers an exceptional opportunity for US leadership. But will we grasp that opportunity? President Obama should call off the missile test scheduled for September 26th.  He should personally attend the UN High-Level Meeting on Nuclear Disarmament where he can play a constructive role in moving the world toward zero nuclear weapons.”

    #                             #                             #

    For further comment, contact David Krieger at dkrieger@napf.org or Sandy Jones at sjones@napf.org or (805) 965-3443.

    The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation — The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation’s mission is to educate and advocate for peace and a world free of nuclear weapons and to empower peace leaders.  Founded in 1982, the Foundation is comprised of individuals and organizations worldwide who realize the imperative for peace in the Nuclear Age. The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation is a non-partisan, non-profit organization with consultative status to the United Nations.  For more information, visit www.wagingpeace.org.

  • Draft of U.N. Security Council Resolution on Nuclear Nonproliferation and Nuclear Disarmament

    United States Draft

    UNSC Resolution on Nuclear Nonproliferation and Nuclear Disarmament

    The Security Council,

    PP1. Resolving to seek a safer world for all and to create the conditions for a world without nuclear weapons, in accordance with the goals of the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), in a way that promotes international stability, and based on the principle of undiminished security for all,

    PP2. Reaffirming the Statement of its President adopted at the Council’s meeting at the level of Heads of State and Government on 31 January 1992 (S/23500), including the need for all Member States to fulfill their obligations in relation to arms control and disarmament and to prevent proliferation in all its aspects of all weapons of mass destruction,

    PP3. Recalling also that the above Statement (S/23500) underlined the need for all Member States to resolve peacefully in accordance with the Charter any problems in that context threatening or disrupting the maintenance of regional and global stability,

    PP4. Bearing in mind the responsibilities of other organs of the United Nations in the field of disarmament, arms control and nonproliferation, and supporting them to continue to play their due roles,

    PP5. Underlining that the NPT remains the cornerstone of the nuclear non-proliferation regime and the essential foundation for the pursuit of nuclear disarmament and for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and calling upon all States Parties to the NPT to cooperate so that the 2010 NPT Review Conference can successfully strengthen the Treaty and set realistic and achievable goals in all the Treaty’s three pillars: non-proliferation, the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and disarmament,

    PP6. Reaffirming its firm commitment to the NPT and its conviction that the international nuclear non-proliferation regime should be maintained and strengthened to ensure its effective implementation,

    PP7. Calling for further progress on all aspects of disarmament to enhance global security,

    PP8. Welcoming the decisions of those non-nuclear-weapon States that have dismantled their nuclear weapons programs or renounced the possession of nuclear weapons,

    PP9. Welcoming the nuclear arms reduction and disarmament efforts undertaken and accomplished by nuclear-weapon States, and underlining the need to pursue further efforts in the sphere of nuclear disarmament, in accordance with Article VI of the NPT,

    PP10. Welcoming in this connection the decision of the Russian Federation and the United States of America to conduct negotiations to conclude a new comprehensive legally binding agreement to replace the Treaty on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, which expires in December 2009,

    PP11. Welcoming and supporting the steps taken to conclude nuclear-weapon-free zone treaties and reaffirming the conviction that the establishment of internationally recognized nuclear-weapon-free zones on the basis of arrangements freely arrived at among the States of the region concerned, and in accordance with the 1999 UN Disarmament Commission guidelines, enhances global and regional peace and security, strengthens the nuclear nonproliferation regime, and contributes toward realizing the objectives of nuclear disarmament,

    PP12. Recalling the statements by each of the five nuclear-weapon States, noted by resolution 984 (1995), in which they give security assurances against the use of nuclear weapons to non-nuclear-weapon State Parties to the NPT, and reaffirming that such security assurances strengthen the nuclear nonproliferation regime,

    PP13. Reaffirming its resolutions 825 (1993), 1695 (2006), 1718 (2006), 1874 (2009),

    PP14. Reaffirming its resolutions 1696 (2006), 1737 (2006), 1747 (2007), 1803 (2008), 1835 (2008),

    PP15. Reaffirming all other relevant non-proliferation resolutions adopted by the Security Council,

    PP16. Gravely concerned about the threat of nuclear terrorism, including the provision of nuclear material or technical assistance for the purposes of terrorism,

    PP17. Mindful in this context of the risk that irresponsible or unlawful provision of nuclear material or technical assistance could enable terrorism,

    PP18. Expressing its support for the 2010 Global Summit on Nuclear Security,

    PP19. Affirming its support for the Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism,

    PP20. Recognizing the progress made by the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism, and the G-8 Global Partnership,

    PP21. Reaffirming UNSC Resolution 1540 (2004) and the necessity for all States to implement fully the measures contained therein, and calling upon all UN Member States and international and regional organizations to cooperate actively with the Committee established pursuant to that resolution, including in the course of the comprehensive review as called for in resolution 1810 (2008),

    1. Emphasizes that a situation of noncompliance with nonproliferation obligations shall be brought to the attention of the Security Council, which will determine if that situation constitutes a threat to international peace and security, and emphasizes the Security Council’s primary responsibility in addressing such threats;

    2. Calls upon States Parties to the NPT to comply fully with all their obligations under
    the Treaty, and in this regard notes that enjoyment of the benefits of the NPT by a State Party can be assured only by its compliance with the obligations thereunder;

    3. Calls upon all States that are not Parties to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) to join the Treaty so as to achieve its universality at an early date, and in any case to adhere to its terms;

    4 Calls upon the Parties to the NPT, pursuant to Article VI of the Treaty, to undertake to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to nuclear arms reduction and disarmament, and on a Treaty on general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control, and calls on all other States to join in this endeavor;

    5. Calls upon all States to refrain from conducting a nuclear test explosion and to join the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), thereby bringing the treaty into force;

    6. Calls upon the Conference on Disarmament to negotiate a Treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices as soon as possible, and welcomesthe Conference on Disarmament’s adoption by consensus of its Program of Work in 2009;

    7. Deplores in particular the current major challenges to the nonproliferation regime that the Security Council has determined to be threats to international peace and security, and demands that the parties concerned comply fully with their obligations under the relevant Security Council resolutions,

    8. Encourages efforts to advance development of peaceful uses of nuclear energy in a framework that reduces proliferation risk and adheres to the highest international standards for safeguards, security, and safety;

    9. Underlines that the NPT recognizes in Article IV the right of the Parties to the Treaty to develop research, production and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination and in conformity with Articles I , II and III of the Treaty;

    10. Calls upon States to adopt stricter national controls for the export of sensitive goods and technologies of the nuclear fuel cycle;

    11. Encourages the work of the IAEA on multilateral approaches to the nuclear fuel cycle, including assurances of nuclear fuel supply and related measures, as effective means of addressing the expanding need for nuclear fuel and nuclear fuel services and minimizing the risk of proliferation, and urges the IAEA Board of Governors to agree upon measures to this end as soon as possible;

    12. Affirms that effective IAEA safeguards are essential to prevent nuclear proliferation and to facilitate cooperation in the field of peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and in that regard:

    a. Calls upon all non-nuclear-weapon States party to the NPT that have yet to bring into force a comprehensive safeguards agreement or a modified small quantities protocol to do so immediately,

    b. Calls upon all States to adopt and implement an Additional Protocol, which together with comprehensive safeguards agreements constitute essential elements of the IAEA safeguards system,

    c. Stresses the importance for all Member States to ensure that the IAEA continue to have all the necessary resources and authority to verify the declared use of nuclear materials and facilities and the absence of undeclared activities, and for the IAEA to report to the Council accordingly as appropriate;

    13. Encourages States to provide the IAEA with the cooperation necessary for it to verify whether a state is in compliance with its safeguards obligations, and affirms the Security Council’s resolve to support the IAEA’s efforts to that end, consistent with its authorities under the Charter;

    14. Undertakes to address without delay any State’s notice of withdrawal from the NPT, including the events described in the statement provided by the State pursuant to Article X of the Treaty, while recognizing ongoing discussions in the course of the NPT review on identifying modalities under which NPT States Parties could collectively respond to notification of withdrawal, and affirmsthat a State remains responsible under international law for violations of the NPT committed prior to its withdrawal;

    15. Encourages States to require as a condition of nuclear exports that the recipient State agree that, in the event that it should terminate, withdraw from, or be found by the IAEA Board of Governors to be in noncompliance with its IAEA safeguards agreement or withdraw from the NPT, the supplier state would have a right to require the return of nuclear material and equipment provided prior to such termination, noncompliance or withdrawal, as well as any special nuclear material produced through the use of such material or equipment;

    16. Encourages States to consider whether a recipient State has in place an Additional Protocol in making nuclear export decisions;

    17. Urges States to require as a condition of nuclear exports that the recipient State agree that, in the event that it should terminate its IAEA safeguards agreement, safeguards shall continue with respect to any nuclear material and equipment provided prior to such withdrawal, as well as any special nuclear material produced through the use of such material or equipment;

    18. Calls for universal adherence to the Convention on Physical Protection of Nuclear Materials and its 2005 Amendment;

    19. Welcomes the March 2009 recommendations of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 1540 (2004) to make more effective use of existing funding mechanisms, including the consideration of the establishment of a voluntary fund, and affirms its commitment to promote full implementation of UNSCR 1540 by Member States by ensuring effective and sustainable support for the activities of the 1540 Committee;

    20. Reaffirms the need for full implementation of UNSCR 1540 (2004) by Member States and, with an aim of preventing access to, or assistance and financing for, weapons of mass destruction, related materials and their means of delivery by non-State actors, as defined in the resolution, and calls upon Member States to cooperate actively with the Committee established pursuant to that resolution and the IAEA, including rendering assistance, at their request, for their implementation of UNSCR 1540 provisions, and in this context welcomes the forthcoming comprehensive review of the status of implementation of UNSCR 1540 with a view to increasing its effectiveness, and calls upon all States to participate actively in this review;

    21. Calls upon Member States to share best practices with a view to improved safety standards and nuclear security practices and raise standards of nuclear security to reduce the risk of nuclear terrorism, with the aim of securing all vulnerable nuclear material from such risks within four years;

    22. Calls upon all States to manage responsibly and minimize to the greatest extent that is technically and economically feasible the use of highly enriched uranium for civilian purposes, including by working to convert research reactors and radioisotope production processes to the use of low enriched uranium fuels and targets;

    23. Calls upon all States to improve their national technical capabilities to detect, deter, and disrupt illicit trafficking in nuclear materials throughout their territories, and to work to enhance international partnerships and capacity building in this regard;

    24. Urges all States to take all appropriate national measures in accordance with their national authorities and legislation, and consistent with international law, to prevent proliferation financing, shipments, or illicit trafficking, to strengthen export controls, to secure sensitive materials, and to control access to intangible transfers of technology;

    25. Declares its resolve to monitor closely any situations involving the proliferation of nuclear weapons, their means of delivery or related material, including to or by non-State actors as they are defined in resolution 1540 (2004), and, as appropriate, to take such measures as may be necessary to ensure the maintenance of international peace and security;

    26. Decides to remain seized of the matter.

    US President Barack Obama will chair a special meeting of the UN Security Council on September 24 to discuss nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation.