Tag: peace

  • Report on the Morning NGO Abolition Caucus: Insomniacs for Peace

    The NGO Abolition Morning Caucus met every day during the four week Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference starting on Tuesday, May 4th straight through to the last day of the UN meeting on May 28th. We gathered each day at 8:00 AM at the UN gates on First Avenue, waiting for the guards to unlock the chains on the UN fence and then proceeded through “security” to the temporary building on the North Lawn where a conference room had been reserved for the use of NGOs. Conference Room A was almost always in use, hosting the Abolition Caucus, the daily NGO government briefings organized by Reaching Critical Will, the plethora of NGO panels, films, testimony from Hibakusha, brainstorming and strategy sessions through the course of the Review. 

    Our Abolition Caucus began each morning by reviewing the day’s calendar, proposing a new agenda for each day, and then brainstorming to plan various actions during the course of the Conference. At the end of each meeting a new facilitator would volunteer to Chair the meeting for the following day, and volunteers sent out daily minutes of our work. In the first week, as many as 60 nuclear activists showed up at our morning meetings, hailing from every continent and united in our commitment to rid the world of the nuclear scourge. 

    We were encouraged by the many nations who called for negotiations on a Nuclear Weapons Convention and all signed on to about 30 thank you notes that were presented to their Ambassadors at the Review conference.  The Ambassador from Switzerland was so moved by our message that he asked us to send another one to his Foreign Minister. We sent two letters from the caucus to Secretary General Ban-Ki Moon. One expressed our thanks and appreciation for his enthusiastic support of negotiations for a nuclear weapons convention and his Five Point Plan.The other was to express our dismay and urge mediation instead of the rude treatment we witnessed of Iran’s President, by the western powers who walked out on him during his speech on the first day of the Conference.

    We drafted statements in response to the Main Committee I and III reports, issued our own nuclear abolitionists preamble to the report, did a satirical take on the conference in The Scallion, a riff on The Onion, a US publication that writes spoofs of current events, and issued a final statement and critique of the weakened outcome document at the Conference. Usually our documents were inserted in the News in Review issued each day by Reaching Critical Will for distribution to the delegates.  The Abolition Caucus documents are on the web at http://www.reachingcriticalwill.org/legal/npt/2010index.html under “Other Resources”.  We also networked with the Commission on Sustainable Development which was meeting concurrently with the NPT and addressing the catastrophic results of mining.  They held a heart-wrenching presentation on the havoc of uranium mining.   Our caucus was able to enroll the French government, represented at one of the morning briefings, to permit us to show the promo for a film on the evils of uranium mining at the closing of a French presentation on the benefits of “peaceful” nuclear power.

    At the close of the meeting we presented the delegates with fortune cookies, which when opened, said “Global Zero Now”. Most important, we now have a list of over 100 international participants who can continue the warm relationships and camaraderie that developed over the four weeks, newly energized and inspired by each other as we work together for a nuclear free world. Onward to June 5th and International Nuclear Abolition Day!!  See www.icanw.org.

  • It’s Time to Rid the World of Nuclear Weapons

    This article was originally published by the Sunday Observer (UK)

    This year the nuclear bomb turns 65 – an appropriate age, by international standards, for compulsory retirement. But do our leaders have the courage and wisdom to rid the planet of this ultimate menace? The five-yearly review of the ailing nuclear non-proliferation treaty, currently under way at the United Nations in New York, will test the strength of governments’ commitment to a nuclear-weapon-free world.

    If they are serious about realising this vision, they will work now to shift the focus from the failed policy of nuclear arms control, which assumes that a select few states can be trusted with these weapons, to nuclear abolition. Just as we have outlawed other categories of particularly inhuman and indiscriminate weapons – from biological and chemical agents to anti-personnel landmines and cluster munitions – we must now turn our attention to outlawing the most iniquitous weapons of all.

    Gains in nuclear disarmament to date have come much too slowly. More than 23,000 nuclear arms remain in global stockpiles, breeding enmity and mistrust among nations, and casting a shadow over us all. None of the nuclear-armed countries appears to be preparing for a future without these terrifying devices. Their failure to disarm has spurred nuclear proliferation, and will continue to destabilise the planet unless we radically alter our trajectory now. Forty years after the NPT entered into force, we should seriously question whether we are on track to abolition.

    Disarmament is not an option for governments to take up or ignore. It is a moral duty owed by them to their own citizens, and to humanity as a whole. We must not await another Hiroshima or Nagasaki before finally mustering the political will to banish these weapons from global arsenals. Governments should agree at this NPT review conference to toss their nuclear arms into the dustbin of history, along with those other monstrous evils of our time – slavery and apartheid.

    Sceptics tell us, and have told us for many years, that we are wasting our time pursuing the dream of a world without nuclear weapons, as it can never be realised. But more than a few people said the same about ending entrenched racial segregation in South Africa and abolishing slavery in the United States. Often they had a perceived interest in maintaining the status quo. Systems and policies that devalue human life, and deprive us all of our right to live in peace with each other, are rarely able to withstand the pressure created by a highly organised public that is determined to see change.

    The most obvious and realistic path to a nuclear-weapon-free world is for nations to negotiate a legally binding ban, which would include a timeline for elimination and establish an institutional framework to ensure compliance. Two-thirds of all governments have called for such a treaty, known as a nuclear weapons convention, and UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon has voiced his support for the idea. Only the nuclear weapon states and Nato members are holding us back.

    Successful efforts to prohibit other classes of weapons provide evidence that, where there is political momentum and widespread popular support, obstacles which may at first appear insurmountable can very often be torn down. Nuclear abolition is the democratic wish of the world’s people, and has been our goal almost since the dawn of the atomic age. Together, we have the power to decide whether the nuclear era ends in a bang or worldwide celebration.

    Last April in the Czech capital, Prague, President Barack Obama announced that the United States would seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons, but he warned that nations probably would not eliminate their arsenals in his lifetime. I am three decades older than the US president, yet I am confident that both of us will live to see the day when the last nuclear weapon is dismantled. We just need to think outside the bomb.

  • Speech to the International Conference for Peace and Disarmament

    This is the transcript of a speech delivered by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to the peace and disarmament conference co-organized by the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation and many other organizations around the world on May 1, 2010 at Riverside Church in New York City.

    Ladies and gentlemen,

    Reading the list of organizations and individuals with us this evening, I want to say what an honour it is to be here. I know of your hard work and dedication. I know how much you have sacrificed in standing for your principles and beliefs. I know how much courage it takes to speak out, to protest, to carry the banner of this most noble human aspiration … world peace. And so, most of all, I am here tonight to thank you.

    Let me begin by saying how humbling it is to speak to you in this famous place, Riverside Church. It was here that Martin Luther King Junior spoke against the war in Vietnam. Nelson Mandela spoke here on his first visit to the United States after being freed from prison. Standing with you, looking out, I can see what they saw: a sea of committed women and men, who come from all corners to move the world. It reminds us that of what matters most in life… is not so much the message from the bully pulpit, but rather the movement from the pews. From people like you. And so I say: keep it up.

    Our shared vision is within reach … a nuclear-free world. On the eve of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty review conference … beginning on Monday … we know the world is watching. Let it heed our call: Disarm Now!

    Ladies and gentlemen,

    From my first day in office, I have made nuclear disarmament a top priority. Perhaps, in part, this deep personal commitment comes from my experience as a boy in Korea, growing up after the war. My school was rubble. There were no walls. We studied in the open air.

    The United Nations rebuilt my country. I was lucky enough to receive a good education. But more than that, I learned about peace, solidarity and, above all, the power of community action. These values are not abstract principles to me. I owe my life to them. I try to embody them in all my work.

    Just a few weeks ago, I travelled to Ground Zero — the former test site at Semipalatinsk, in Kazakhstan, where the Soviet Union detonated more than 450 nuclear explosions. It was strangely beautiful. The great green steppe reached as far as the eye could see. But of course, the eye does not immediately see the scope of the devastation. Vast areas where people still cannot go. Poisoned lakes and rivers. High rates of cancer and birth defects.

    After independence, in 1991, Kazakhstan closed the site and banished nuclear weapons from its territory. Today, Semipalatinsk is a powerful symbol of hope … it is a new Ground Zero for disarmament, the birth-place of the Central Asian nuclear-weapon-free zone.

    In August, I will travel to another Ground Zero — Mayor Akiba’s proud city of Hiroshima. There, I will repeat our call for a nuclear free-world. The people of Hiroshima and Nagasaki – and especially the hibakusha – know too well the horror of nuclear war. It must never be repeated!

    Yet 65 years later, the world still lives under a nuclear shadow. How long must we wait to rid ourselves of this threat? How long will we keep passing the problem to succeeding generations?

    We here tonight know that it is time to end this senseless cycle. We know that nuclear disarmament is not a distant, unattainable dream. It is an urgent necessity, here and now. We are determined to achieve it. We have come close in the past.

    Twenty-four years ago, in Reykjavik, Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev came within a hair’s breath of agreeing to eliminate nuclear weapons. It was a dramatic reminder of how far we can go — as long as we have the vision and the will.

    Today’s generation of nuclear negotiators must take a lesson from Reykjavik: Be bold. Think big … for it yields big results.

    And that is why, again, we need people like you. People who understand that the world is over-armed and that peace is under-funded. People who understand that the time for change is now.

    Ladies and gentlemen,

    The NPT entered into force 40 years ago. Ever since, it has been the foundation of the non-proliferation regime and our efforts for nuclear disarmament. To quote you, Mr. Gerson: It is one of the seminal agreements of the 20th century. Let’s not forget. In 1963, experts predicted that there could be as many as 25 nuclear powers by the end of the last century. It did not happen, in large part because the NPT guided the world in the right direction.

    Today, we have reason for renewed optimism. Global public opinion is swinging our way. Governments are looking at the issue with fresh eyes. Consider just the most recent events:

    • Leading by example, the United States announced a review of its nuclear posture … forswearing the use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states, so long as they are in compliance with the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
    • In Prague, President Obama and President Medvedev signed a new START treaty, accompanied by serious cuts in arsenals.
    • In Washington, the leaders of 47 nations united in their efforts to keep nuclear weapons and materials out of the hands of terrorists.
    • And on Monday, we hope to open a new chapter in the life of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

    In 2005, when leaders gathered for the last review of the NPT, the outcome did not match expectations. In plainer English, it failed — utterly. We cannot affor d to fail again. After all, there are more than 25,000 nuclear weapons in the world’s arsenals. Nuclear terrorism remains a real and present danger. There has been no progress in establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. The nuclear programs of Iran and the DPRK are of serious concern to global efforts to curb nuclear proliferation…

    To deal with these and other issues, I have set out my own five-point action plan, and I thank you for your encouraging response. I especially welcome your support for the idea of concluding a Nuclear Weapon Convention. Article VI of the NPT requires the Parties to pursue negotiations on a treaty on general and complete disarmament under international control. These negotiations are long overdue. Next week, I will call on all countries – and most particularly the nuclear-weapon states – to fulfil this obligation. We should not have unrealistic expectations for the conference. But neither can we afford to lower our sights.

    What I see on the horizon is a world free of nuclear weapons. What I see before me are the people who will help make it happen. Please keep up your good work. Sound the alarm, keep up the pressure. Ask your leaders what they are doing – personally – to eliminate the nuclear menace. Above all, continue to be the voice of conscience.

    We will rid the world of nuclear weapons. And when we do, it will be because of people like you. The world owes you its gratitude.

    Thank you.

  • For a Nuclear Free, Peaceful, Just and Sustainable World

    For a Nuclear Free, Peaceful, Just and Sustainable World
    Declaration of the Conference International Planning Committee

    New York, New York

    April 30-May 1, 2010

    Our world is facing crises on an unprecedented scale – global warming, poverty, war, hunger and disease – which both threaten the very future of life as we know it, and bring, on a daily basis, death and extreme sorrow and suffering to the majority of our people.

    Despite the global economic crisis, we face a situation in which global military spending – money for killing – far outstrips all other spending, at the expense of addressing urgent human needs.  Arms races in many parts of the world are escalating. More and larger foreign military bases are being built and space is being used for war. NATO is being enlarged to dominate the world.  All life is threatened by tens of thousands of nuclear weapons that can destroy our planet hundreds of times over. Aggressive nuclear strategies remain the brutal reality:

    • Despite its non-proliferation diplomacy, the United States has reaffirmed the central role of nuclear weapons in its defense policy, as has Russia, and increased spending for its nuclear weapons programs to an all-time high;
    • All of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) nuclear weapon states – the U.S., Russia, U.K., France and China — are modernizing their nuclear arsenals;
    • While pledging to reduce the role of nuclear weapons in U.S. foreign and military policies, the Obama Administration has repeated its threats of first strike nuclear attacks first against North Korea and second, with Israel against Iran by reiterating that “all options are on the table;”
    • Dangerously since they are not signatories, India, Israel and Pakistan are not obligated under the NPT to abolish their nuclear weapons.
    • While Iran and North Korea’s nuclear programs are the focus of broad international condemnation, the world continues to turn a blind eye to Israel’s large, sophisticated nuclear arsenal.
    • The South Asian nuclear arms race continues unabated;

    There is an urgent need for real change.

    We share a vision of a world free from war and nuclear weapons, a world built on a foundation of global justice, supporting a sustainable environment. Our priority is to ensure genuine human security for all peoples.

    This vision is realisable, but to achieve it requires concerted nonviolent and practical action by those who seek it. Popular pressure on the world’s political leaders will be required to move them to value human security over militarism and the war systems that are sources of their power and privilege.

    Our responsibility is to identify those steps needed to achieve our vision and to discern the means to create the political will necessary to prevail.

    To achieve a world free of nuclear weapons: Building on the groundswell of international public opinion, we call on all governments to begin negotiations on a Nuclear Weapons Convention to ban all nuclear weapons by 2020.

    To achieve a world free of war: Seeking, as expressed in the UN Charter, to end the scourge of war that has blighted succeeding generations, we will work to end all military conflicts and support peaceful dialogue and conflict resolution based on international law. International conflicts must be prevented and solved through diplomacy:

    • We call for an end to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the withdrawal of all foreign troops from those regions.
    • We call on Israel to end its occupation of the Palestinian territories occupied since June 1967, to dismantle the settlements and to recognize the national rights of the Palestinian people.
    • We call on the U.S. to sign a peace treaty to finally end the Korean War, formalize diplomatic relations, lift sanctions and encourage meaningful exchange.
    • We call on the international community to normalize relations with Iran and North Korea.
    • We call for the blockade of Cuba to end.

    We will work for the end of military alliances and the closing of all foreign military bases, to end the militarization of space, and to greatly reduce the world’s military spending. Torn by the deaths of countless thousands of people as a result of the arms trade, we call for that trade in death to be banned. Putting people first, we call on governments with militarized economies to begin industrial conversion programmes so that our resources and energy are organized to meet human needs, not to end human lives. Let goverment structures promote peace instead of war. With imagination and creativity we will build relations between all countries on the basis of equality and respect.

    To achieve a world where our collective resources are managed and distributed to meet the needs of all peoples: We will work to transform the current social structures, so that people come before profit, and economic enterprises provide for genuine human security rather than imposing a tyranny of debt and deprivation. We are in solidarity with the indigenous people around the planet who are standing up for their rights.

    To end the despoliation of our planet, the poisoning of our lands and water and the air we breathe: We will educate and organise to halt and reverse global warming. To create a sustainable future, we will work in our communities and nations to end the commodification of nature.  We will strive to establish a worldwide moratorium on uranium mining, which has taken a terrible toll in human lives, and to phase out nuclear power whose poisons persist for tens of thousands of years. We will promote sustainable, renewable energy production as an alternative to nuclear energy and a way to mitigate climate change and we encourage our governments to join the International Renewable Energy Agency. Protecting our environment is one of our greatest imperatives. We call on the major industrial powers to significantly address the existing and impending global climate crisis.

    We welcome the increased international cooperation amongst our movements which has enabled the success of this conference and commit to the continuation of this international dialogue and coordination. To deepen the social involvement necessary to achieve our goals, we will work to include other civil society organisations – such as trade unions and faith groups – whose visions include a more peaceful and just society.

    Martin Luther King observed that, “all too many people find themselves living amid a great period of social change, and yet they fail to develop the new attitudes, the new mental responses, that the new situation demands“ We are in a similar moment, a time of great dislocation and upheaval. We need a new conversation amongst ourselves about how to re-order our societies and economies if humanity is to survive and prosper. It is past time to kick the habit of looking to those in power to deliver the changes we so urgently need. A world-wide movement for peace and global justice in solidarity is our aim and our commitment.

    Time is short – we must seize the moment!

    1 May 2010

    International Planning Committee: Ray Acheson – Reaching Critical Will; Colin Archer – International Peace Bureau; Reiner Braun – International Network of Engineers andScientists for Global Responsibility; Jackie Cabasso – Western States Legal Foundation, United for Peace and Justice; Arielle Dennis – Le Mouvement de la Paix;Bruce Gagnon – Global Network against Weapons and Nuclear Power in Space;Joseph Gerson – American Friends Service Committee; Socorro Gomes – Centro Brasileiro de Solidariedade aos Povos e Luta pela Paz; Kate Hudson – Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament; Akira Kawasaki – Peace Boat; Hans Lammarent – Bombspotting; Margo LaZaro – Global Family; Thomas Magnusson – International Peace Bureau; Judith LeBlanc – Peace Action; Narae Lee – Peace Boat; Dominique Lalanne – Aboliton 2000; Henry Lowendorf – Greater New Haven Peace Council; Issam Makhoul – Emil Touma Institute for Palestinian and Israeli Studies; Al Marder – International Association of Peace Messenger Cities; George Martin – Peace Action; Kevin Martin – Peace Action; Alice Slater – Abolition 2000; Susi Snyder – Abolition 2000; Hiroshi Takakusaki – Gensuikyo; Yayoi Tsuchida – Gensuikyo; Pierre Villard – Le Mouvement de la Paix; Alyn Ware – Abolition 2000; Rick Wayman – Nuclear Age Peace Foundation; Dave Webb – Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament; Cheryl Wertz – Peace Action NYS

  • Training Session 1: Public Speaking

    What makes someone an effective communicator and public speaker? Why are most people afraid of public speaking? What bad habits prevent us from being heard, and how can we speak in a way that best serves our message? What steps can we take, in our everyday lives, to become better public speakers? Public speaking is crucial to leadership, and we will explore all of these questions in this training session.

    Why is public speaking important to you? Take turns sharing your thoughts with the group.

    THE IMPORTANCE OF SPEAKING WELL

    Public speaking is not just about speaking in front of large groups of people. It is about effective and clear communication. If you can speak well, this will serve you not only when talking to an audience, but in everyday life. Solving problems with a boss, coworker, employee, friend, or family member requires communication. Although communication is essential on a daily basis, most people are never taught the important speaking skills that can help us say what needs to be said.

    Human beings influence the people around them often through the spoken word. When we can communicate more effectively and clearly, this improves our ability to influence others. Since peace leaders influence through reason instead of blind obedience, use persuasion instead of threats, and strive to increase people’s awareness and understanding instead of deceiving them, communication is vital.  

    For better or worse, we live in a society that judges our intelligence based on how well we speak. When promoting the change our world needs, being a good public speaker increases the credibility of our message. When we communicate poorly, people will not take our message as seriously.

    I have never met a writer who doesn’t want to write well, a musician who doesn’t want to perform well, or an athlete who doesn’t want to play well. Solving problems in our community, nation, and world requires us to communicate, and we are best prepared to solve these and other problems when we speak well. The next sections will discuss several small steps we can take that will make a big difference in how we speak.

    What makes someone a good public speaker? Write down three attributes that effective public speakers have, and take turns sharing this with the group.

    FEAR OF PUBLIC SPEAKING

    Why do studies show that more people fear public speaking than dying? To understand why so many people are afraid of public speaking, we must understand the effects of pressure.

    If I drew a three by three foot square on the ground, and I told you to stand in that square and jump so that your knees touch your chest, you would probably be able to do it. But if you were standing on a three by three foot platform suspended ten stories off of the ground, it would be much more difficult. Although the task itself has not changed, the risk of falling adds an enormous amount of pressure, making it much more difficult to perform.  

    Speaking is something we do every day. But when we must speak in front of others, especially those we don’t know, the added pressure fills many people with dread. For many people, public speaking is more frightening than the risk of falling to one’s death. Studies have shown that more people fear public speaking than dying. At first this might not make sense, but Gavin de Becker, who is widely regarded as the nation’s leading expert on fear, says that public speaking is so frightening because there is actually a risk of death involved. He is not referring to physical death, but the death of our identity. When we speak in front of people, there is a chance that we might be humiliated. Being humiliated, which would threaten to destroy our sense of identity, terrifies most people.

    How can we reduce our fear of humiliation, which is the underlying reason that causes people to be afraid of public speaking? First, we must have the right attitude. We must reject the myth that we can please everyone, because no matter what we say, someone out there won’t like it. Many of the people who are most admired today, such as Susan B. Anthony, Gandhi, and Martin Luther King Jr., were despised by many while they were alive. If they could not please everyone, then how can we? No matter how well we represent the ideals our world needs most, some people have personal shortcomings that prevent them from listening and understanding.

    I have realized that someone out there hates my favorite book, movie, and song. I even had a roommate at West Point who disliked chocolate. If chocolate cannot please everyone, then how can I? When we speak in front of people, we must remove the unrealistic expectation that we can please everyone and that all people will love what we say. We must also speak from the courage of our convictions, because if we do not believe that our message is important, how can we convince others to think so?

    If we let our sense of identity and ego get wrapped up in our message, then the fear of our ego being damaged through humiliation is overwhelming. But if we focus on the cause we are trying to promote, instead of worrying about ourselves, we won’t put our ego in a position to be attacked. For example, if you are speaking in support of the environment or oppressed people, you can speak from your compassion, conscience, and the confidence that what you are saying needs to be said. When your focus shifts from your cause to worrying about yourself and what others might think about you, your anxiety will increase. With good preparation, there is no point in worrying about what others might think about us, because when we are prepared we should feel confident that we will do the best we can.

    Even the best public speakers were at one time afraid of speaking in front of others. Before Gandhi became a great orator, he had a horrible fear of public speaking. Talking about our fears with others helps to heal them. Are you afraid of public speaking, and, if so, what scares you about speaking in front of others? Discuss this with the group.  

    REPETITION

    To reduce our fear of public speaking, we can desensitize ourselves to this fear through repetition. During the beginning of the chemistry, physics, and math classes at West Point, every cadet must go to the board, write down how they did one of the homework problems, and brief it to the class. In other courses, part of every student’s grade is based on class participation, and everyone is expected to speak at least once during class. When teachers asked me to read out loud, I thought “I haven’t been asked to read out loud since elementary school. Am I in third grade again?”

    Reading out loud improves our public speaking skills by helping us learn how to use our voice and desensitizing us to the fear of speaking in front of others. If we cannot read another person’s words without being nervous, how can we speak our own words with confidence? One of the best ways to learn how to use the inflection and rhythm of our voice is to read stories to children.

    Public speaking is so central to leadership that West Point strives to desensitize its cadets to the fear of public speaking. By the time a cadet graduates from West Point, he or she has spoken in front of others thousands of times. In many college classes, it is possible to go through the entire semester without saying anything, but this does not help people develop their public speaking skills, which are also crucial life skills.

    To apply these lessons to your life, pursue every opportunity you can to speak in front of others. It might be challenging at first, but it is good practice and necessary to improve.

    Most schools in America ignore the importance of public speaking and verbal communication by not giving students the opportunity to develop these skills. Do you have much public speaking experience? What opportunities for public speaking can you pursue? To gain more public speaking experience, for example, students can make an effort to speak more often in the classroom.

    TRAIN LIKE YOU FIGHT

    In addition to repetition, cadets at West Point are also given constructive criticism to help them become better speakers. Many people say uh, like, and you know every five seconds, but leaders lose credibility when they talk like that. Could you imagine a military commander saying, “We are going to… like… make sure we complete the objective and… you know… uh… accomplish this mission.” Could you imagine Martin Luther King Jr. speaking like that?

    These are bad habits that anyone can correct, but most people are never given feedback or constructive criticism to help them. There is nothing wrong with saying uh once in awhile, but many people say it to the point where it becomes distracting. Many people say uh, like, or you know every sentence, and sometimes multiple times per sentence.

    The army has a motto train like you fight. This means that we must practice as we want to perform, because our bad habits become worse when we are under pressure. If we constantly say uh, like, or you know when talking to our friends, then it will be very difficult to not say these distracting phrases when speaking in front of a group. When people are nervous and afraid, they usually say uh a lot more than they would normally.

    During our daily conversations, we can do two things. We can either reinforce or remove our bad habits. If we want to become better public speakers, we must train like we fight and practice as we want to perform. If you don’t want to say uh, like, or you know when speaking in front of a group, conversing with your boss, or talking to your employees, make an effort to not say these distracting phrases when talking to your friends. It will take time and work, but it will make you a more effective public speaker and communicator.

    One reason people say these distracting phrases so often is because they are uncomfortable with silence. Effective public speakers are comfortable with pausing for a few seconds to think, and do not feel a need to fill the silence with gibberish. Looking down and taking a few seconds to collect your thoughts is more helpful than saying “uh, uh, uh, uh.” Through practice and developing a comfort with silence, you will speak in a clearer and more effective way, which will increase the credibility of the work you are trying to do.

    Developing these communication skills will not make our speech more rigid and less sincere. It will actually do the opposite. Being comfortable with pausing and not feeling the need to say uh, like, and you know every five seconds makes our speech less nervous and more relaxed. When we are comfortable with pausing, we can also take a few seconds to think about what we are going to say rather than rushing into the next sentence. This will make you a more effective communicator when speaking not only to a group, but to the people in your everyday life.

    What are some of the distracting phrases that you say, which fill nervous silence but don’t actually communicate anything? What distracting phrases do you notice a lot of other people saying? Do you know anyone who fills nervous silence with curse words? Instead of saying uh, like, and you know, have you ever met anyone who curses every five seconds?

    PUBLIC SPEAKING FOR PEACE LEADERSHIP

    It could take months of conscious effort to reduce your use of uh, like, and you know. It could also take years to become an effective public speaker. But improving our communication skills is a gradual process that is worth the effort, because these are also crucial life skills. The better we can communicate, the less we have to yell.

    In this training session, we have discussed fundamentals of public speaking that are vital for all forms of leadership, especially peace leadership. In addition, it is important to be prepared and know your subject. Knowing your subject increases confidence and reduces fear and nervousness.

    Public speaking for peace leadership requires not only strong communication skills and knowledge of a subject, but also compassion, conscience, confidence, and calm.

    After losing his calm during a turbulent debate, Martin Luther King Jr. said, “That Monday I went home with a heavy heart, remembering that on two or three occasions I had allowed myself to become angry and indignant. I had spoken hastily and resentfully. Yet I knew that this was no way to solve a problem . . . You must not become bitter. No matter how emotional your opponents are, you must be calm.”

    If your personality is bitter and does not represent peace well, then nothing you say, no matter how you say it, will truly be peaceful. When discussing the concept of right speech, Gautama Buddha said that the intentions behind our words are vital to speaking well. Right speech means not using words to deceive and do harm, not using words with malicious intent, and never slandering others. Right speech involves speaking gently, warmly, and with compassion. It also involves exposing the truth. When someone commits injustice, Gautama Buddha, Gandhi, and Martin Luther King Jr. would encourage us to not resort to slander or name calling. Instead, they would urge us to expose the truth and condemn the unjust action. That is a more effective way for a peace leader to make a difference.

    When I speak to a group of people, the ideas I express are like seeds being planted. Some people will embrace my ideas while I am speaking and the seed will sprout immediately. In others, the seed I have planted may lie dormant and sprout years later, perhaps when another experience serves as a catalyst to change their understanding. And in some, the seed will never sprout. As peace leaders, we must plant as many seeds as we can, and nurture the seeds that do sprout.

    Our actions as peace leaders, like pebbles creating ripples in a pond, can also affect people in ways we could never have imagined. David Krieger, the President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, spoke to a high school graduation in 2000. Ten years later, a woman who graduated that day came up and talked to him. A third-year medical student, she said that she heard him speak during a very difficult time in her life, and that his words inspired and helped her immensely. When you speak for the change our world needs, you are creating a ripple and planting a seed. You never know what effect the ripple may have, and you never know what the seed might become.

    Have you received any training or have much experience in public speaking? If so, is there any public speaking advice that you would like to share with the group? Take turns sharing advice with the group.

             – written by Paul K. Chappell

    Here are a few tips for public speaking. As you receive public speaking advice from the group, write them down and add to this list.

    1.    Be well prepared – Know your subject, organize your material, and practice.

    2.    Be aware of your body – Know what your body is doing. This will allow you to use your gestures and body language well, and protect you from using your hands to the point that it becomes distracting.

    3.    If you don’t know anyone in the audience, introduce yourself to a few people before your talk as they are entering the room – This will give you a friend in the audience.

    4.    Maintain eye contact – It is always best to not read your speech, but if you have to read your speech, look up often and make eye contact with the audience.

    5.    Be yourself – By building your confidence and being less nervous, you will be more relaxed and able to be yourself. Just as many kinds of food are delicious and nutritious, many styles of public speaking are engaging and effective. Don’t try to be someone you are not. Find a style of public speaking that complements your personality. When you are relaxed and able to be yourself, you will do your best work as a public speaker.

  • Creating a Peaceful Society Without Nuclear Weapons

    (Mr. Hiroo Saionji) I’d like to start off with a question about the purpose of your visit to Japan this time. We hear that you are going to attend the fourth Nagasaki Global Citizens’ Assembly for the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons.

    (Dr. David Krieger) I’ve just come from the Nagasaki Global Citizens’ Assembly. That was the principal purpose for my visit to Japan. It was a very extraordinary conference. The idea of holding a Global Citizens’ Assembly was very appealing to me. I believe that citizens need to be awakened and become engaged in the issue of eliminating nuclear weapons. Until they are, it’s not likely that we are going to see real progress toward eliminating nuclear weapons. What happened in Nagasaki is a model for what could happen in many other places.

    (Saionji) I was told that you were only 21 years old, Dr. Krieger, when you visited Hiroshima and Nagasaki for the very first time. At that time you visited the museums to see the devastation of those cities, and since then you have been involved in trying to eliminate nuclear weapons.

    I do pay my deepest, deepest respect to many years of your endeavors, but I’d like to know how you felt when you first visited Hiroshima and Nagasaki? Since then you’ve been working on this very topic for, I take it, more than 40 years? And how do you feel now as well?

    (Krieger) When I first visited the museums, I gained a different perspective. It was very different from what I’d learned about using the Bomb in my schooling in the United States. Basically what I’d learned in the U.S. was that the United States dropped those Bombs because it was necessary to achieve the Japanese surrender and to win the war. That’s the perspective from which the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki are taught in American schools, and that was the education that I had. When I went to Hiroshima and Nagasaki, I realized the extent of human suffering and death that was involved in the atomic bombings. Visiting the Peace Memorial Museums made it far more real to me. Also, it showed the other side of the story.

    What I came to understand was that American way of educating about the Bomb was from a perspective of being above the Bomb. The perspective was that we made use of this new technology and we won that war. At the museums at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, you could gain perspective from under the Bomb. I found that a far more compelling perspective and far more human perspective. I realized that what happened in Hiroshima and Nagasaki could happen anywhere. It was not acceptable as means of warfare to have the mass killing of civilians. It was a very strong experience for me to visit those cities and their museums. It was an awakening.

    (Saionji) I see. Since having gone through that experience, I take it this has motivated you to be very active in trying to eliminate the weapons for the next 40 plus years. As a result, you have established the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation so as to educate people. Very, very briefly, would you let me know the activities of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation?

    (Krieger) We have three major goals: 1) to abolish nuclear weapons; 2) to strengthen international law; and 3) to empower new peace leaders, particularly young peace leaders. The three goals are interrelated. It’s unlikely we will be able to succeed in abolishing nuclear weapons if we don’t make international law a stronger presence in our lives. And without a new generation of peace leaders, there won’t be anybody to carry on the struggle for a nuclear weapon-free world. To achieve these goals, we do a great deal of public education through lectures, conferences, speeches, books, newspaper and magazine articles, a great deal of outreach.

    We also have links with like-minded groups around the world. We were involved in the establishment of the Abolition 2000 Global Network in 1995. We are one of the eight international organizations in the Middle Powers Initiative, trying to encourage middle-power governments to play a greater role in seeking the abolition of nuclear weapons.

    We also give awards and hold contests. Most recently, we established a new short video contest on topics of peace and disarmament. We’ve recently started a new program, our Peace Leadership Program, in which we are trying to teach young people the skills of leadership related to building a peaceful world.

    We have a long-standing contest in peace poetry, in which we encourage poets in three categories – adults, teenagers, and children – to submit poems related to peace and the human spirit. That’s been a very successful project involving the arts.

    In addition to education, we also engage in advocacy, for example, with our Action Alert Network. We ask people to send messages to government leaders, primarily in the United States. We try to awaken interest, raise awareness and help people to become more active and engaged in critical issues of peace and disarmament.  

    Those are some of the things that we are doing at this time.

    (Saionji) Well, having listened to that, I must say that there are close similarities in the direction that our Foundation is seeking with yours. And the approaches are very similar. At the Goi Peace Foundation, we’ve strived to realize peace inclusive of the activities you’ve mentioned. I’m struck by so much similarity both in the direction we are trying to head to as well as the approaches taken.

    (Krieger) I hope we can find ways to cooperate more in the future.

    (Saionji) Exactly, I feel the same.

    As a grand premise, what is the most important in educating the people is to have the people know the truth, the reality that is in front of them.

    This is related to former Vice President Al Gore’s book, An Inconvenient Truth, which is about global warming. You say, Dr. Krieger, that there’s something that’s far more important than global warming, which is the nuclear issue. So in order to educate the general public, what do you think is the very first thing that everybody should be aware of? And, at the same time, it seems that there could be a most important truth that many people are misunderstanding. Could you refer to those two points briefly?

    (Krieger) The most important truth about nuclear weapons, or about the Nuclear Age in general, is that we’ve created weapons that are capable of destroying everything. I often refer to the term omnicide, a term coined by philosopher John Somerville, that means the death of all. With suicide, a person takes his or her own life. With genocide, the lives of a specific group are targeted. Nuclear weapons have created a possibility of omnicide.

    I find that a powerful warning. We’ve created the tools of our own destruction. By our ingenuity as a species, we’ve created the devices that could destroy everything that’s been created, including all the efforts of over ten thousand years of civilization. And actually it’s more than that, because it’s not only humans and civilization that would be destroyed, but most complex life forms. I believe that if people really understood what is at stake and took that simple truth into their hearts, they would fight for a world without nuclear weapons.

    Most people in the world are confused by the experts who talk about national security and make the issue very complex. The issue isn’t as complex as they make it and people don’t really need to defer to experts to know that nuclear weapons can destroy everything. In reality, nuclear arms are not even weapons. They are devices of annihilation and shouldn’t exist. So it’s our challenge as human beings to end this threat to human and other forms of life on our planet.

    (Saionji) Well, you said that we don’t need to listen to the opinions of experts. But some of those experts say that nuclear weapons are going to be deterrents. How would you respond to those experts who say that these weapons are necessary as a deterrent?

    (Krieger) Nuclear deterrence is at the heart of the problem. Nuclear deterrence has as a foundational understanding that an opponent will be rational. It requires rationality. In effect, deterrence is the threat of nuclear retaliation. A rational person would say, “All right, I don’t want to be attacked, so I won’t attack you.” But, we should ask the question, “Are all leaders rational at all times?” I think the answer to that question is clearly “No”. All leaders are not rational at all times. Deterrence doesn’t take this into account. That’s a major problem with deterrence. In fact, I think the theory of deterrence is irrational for exactly the reason that it relies upon rationality. It also doesn’t take into account the possibility of accidents or inadvertent use of the weapons.

    Earlier I talked about a perspective from above the Bomb and from below the Bomb. I think there is a parallel here. Experts try to use complex, even mathematical, models to predict human behavior. But human behavior is extremely complex, even more complex than human experts can model. The so-called experts are trying to predict and provide advice that’s based on human behavior that is not completely understood and is out of their control. On the other hand, people should understand that nuclear weapons cannot really protect them. All they can do is to threaten to kill other people. If people really understood this, would they want to base their security on threatening to kill tens of millions or hundreds of millions of innocent people? Doesn’t it make sense that a better solution would be to eliminate the weapons and not face that dilemma?

    (Saionji) I agree that the capability of nuclear weapons serving as a deterrent would work if the countries are going to be viewed as a country, but our world at present is becoming globalized, so that many of the issues we have at present cannot be resolved by looking at individual nations. We need a global perspective.

    Compared to the time when A-bombs were dropped on Nagasaki and Hiroshima, the existing nuclear weapons have far more destructive capability. It’s said that they can destroy humankind several times over.

    So what we need to think is not based upon individual countries, but upon the whole Earth. Maybe the theory of the deterrence could have had some place in the 20th century, but now we are in the 21st century, and in this 21st century as well as into the future I believe that the theory of deterrence is no longer meaningful.

    (Krieger) I agree with your latter premise that the deterrence is no longer meaningful, but I am not sure if deterrence really was helpful in the 20th century. I tend to think that we survived the nuclear threat in the 20th century more by great good fortune than by the effectiveness of deterrence. As you know, we had many close calls and came very near to nuclear disaster. I think we were extremely fortunate and we cannot rely on that good fortune to last indefinitely.

    But I agree with you totally on your main point that we are now entering into a global age. There are many problems confronting humanity, including poverty, hunger, health care, environmental degradation, and issues of terrorism. There is not one of these problems that can be resolved without global cooperation. No matter how powerful any single country is, it cannot solve global problems by itself. No country can rely upon nuclear weapons to protect it in an island of prosperity in the midst of a world with the kinds of serious problems that our world faces.

    (Saionji) I agree exactly with what you said. I wasn’t trying to justify that deterrence was that effective in the 20th century, but more to contrast that now in the 21st century it is far more meaningless compared to the 20th century. I was not trying to justify that in the 20th century deterrence was working.

    Coming back to deterrence once again, some say that a very, very rich person would build a nuclear shelter for themselves so that they themselves would be protected. What an absurd story that is!

    (Krieger) I’m glad you clarified your remarks with regards to deterrence in the 20th century. The reason I raised that point was exactly because there are many policy makers in the United States and other places who say we need to move toward a nuclear weapon-free world, because deterrence is not as valuable now as it was in the 20th century. I think this position only justifies their own behavior during the time when they were policy makers. And I think it’s appropriate to challenge that position. Deterrence was problematic in the 20th century and remains so now.

    (Saionji) Let me continue a story about a shelter. It is in Voluntary Simplicity written by Duane Elgin. He talks about the activist Dr. Helen Caldicott, because she said what would happen if the nuclear weapons were used, what tragedy is going to follow.

    Even a very, very rich person with a beautiful nuclear shelter, if his city is a target of a bombing, even if he is in a shelter, there will be flames that would eat up all the oxygen, so whoever is in a shelter is going to die because of suffocation. Even if the bombing struck far away in the community, and he makes it to run into the shelter, he would have to stay there for at least two weeks. Otherwise there will be very strong radiation that he would be exposed to.

    But if you have to stay for more than two weeks, he is going to lose his mental senses. Even let’s say he survives the first two weeks, and comes out good, there will be no doctors, no hospitals, no food, and water will be highly irradiated and contaminated. Maybe the ozone layer itself is destroyed, so he is going to have third-degree burns if he is exposed for three minutes. Thus, the whole earth is going to be burned out, and in order to avoid all of that, they will have to stay underground for five years. But even so, he is probably going to have leukemia or he is going to have typhoid fever or polio or all the other diseases which more or less have been eradicated so far.

    So it’s not a matter of who is the enemy or who is your ally. This is so powerful a weapon that once it’s used, it’s not only that individual or state that is the victim. It is going to destroy the whole Earth. That’s something we have to have everybody be aware of.

    (Krieger) I have a personal experience I’d like to share with you. This happened during the 1950s. I remember very clearly sitting around the dinner table with my parents. We were discussing bomb shelters, and my mother said, “I would rather die than go into a bomb shelter.” That was very surprising for me to hear at that time. But she said that’s no way to live. It’s no way to live, in fear and in a little shelter underground. At that time, people were talking about needing guns to keep neighbors out of their shelters. Looking back, I think my mother was quite wise. There are some ways of living that aren’t worth living. If you have to shoot your neighbors, and have an illusion that you can survive underground from nuclear weapons, that’s completely the wrong approach. Anybody who thinks the bomb shelters will save them is delusional. They are certainly not rational. The better strategy for those people and for everyone is to work for the elimination of nuclear weapons, rather than just trying to save themselves.

    (Saionji) I agree with you exactly. I think we are showing the common understanding that we have no other point that we want to pursue but to eradicate nuclear weapons. Then comes the issue of how do we approach that. That’s an issue on which I would like to exchange some opinions.

    Why don’t you start, Dr. Krieger, by telling us the vision, or what are the steps you intend to take to eliminate nuclear weapons? Of course, we do know what your Foundation is up to on these activities, but probably you could share how you would like to go by looking at different nations, different legal systems, and other systems as to how you can attain the goal of abolition.

    (Krieger) I think there are three levels that we have to think about. At the highest level, the goal needs to be a Nuclear Weapons Convention, a treaty for the phased, verifiable, irreversible, and transparent elimination of nuclear weapons. That’s the goal. At that level, states do need to come together and agree upon what’s included in the phases, how the verification system works, how to make it irreversible, and how to make it transparent, while still maintaining the security of all states in a process. So that’s one level.

    But getting to that level involves dealing with various states as you suggested. I think we have to first require the nuclear weapon states to give an accurate accounting of their nuclear forces. Second, I would require states to prepare environmental and human impact statements that would reveal to the public what will happen to other human beings and to the environment if their nuclear weapons are used. Third, I think we should require each state with nuclear weapons to prepare its own roadmap for going to zero. In other words, what would they need to go to zero. That’s the second level, dealing with individual nuclear weapon states and with the states that have a capability to develop nuclear weapons.

    The third level, the most foundational level, involves people all over the world. That’s the level where we work the most. We can suggest a vision of what needs to be done, but until there is a strong citizens’ movement throughout the world for the elimination nuclear weapons I don’t think political leaders will feel the necessary pressure to move with the sense of urgency toward a nuclear weapon-free world.

    We try to continue refining the vision of how global nuclear disarmament can come about, but the most important work we should do is educating people everywhere about the necessity of eliminating nuclear weapons and encouraging their engagement in pressing in an active way for the goal of abolition.

    I don’t mean to imply that this needs to be a very long process. Technologically, nuclear weapons could be dismantled and eliminated within a period of 10 years. What’s missing is the political will to change, and that’s where a large number of people need to enter into the discussion, and engage in political action to achieve that goal.

    (Saionji) I cannot agree more with what you said. With regard to the first two levels of the three levels you’ve referred to, even if you are successful in coming out with the Convention, a law or social system that is going to be better than we have, there’s no guarantee whatsoever that people are going to honor them all the way into the future. Therefore, I would say the most important is your third level, which is to change the awareness and the mentality of each and every one of us who lives on this Earth.

    I do recall that Dr. Krieger you have written about this somewhere, looking at the activities of democratization like the example of the Berlin Wall in the former East and West Germany. It was the change in the mentality of each German who came together to achieve the major change in destroying the Berlin Wall.

    So the democratization type of campaign and activities are necessary. To take another example of the non-smoking movement, even though there were dozens of reports that smoking induced lung cancer, not the federal government nor the state government nor the city government take any action. Of course, we know that there was strong pressure from the cigarette companies.

    But why has the country changed? It is because there have been changes in the awareness of the people towards smoking. That was at a basis of the foundation to change the position of the government. If you really wanted to have the nuclear-free world, what we need to do is to change the awareness and mentality of the people. Otherwise, it will not be assured for eternity into the future.

    (Krieger) I completely agree. The idea of the necessity of changing thinking has honorable routes, going back to Albert Einstein who made his famous statement that “[t]he unleashed power of the atom has changed everything save our modes of thinking, and thus we drift toward unparalleled catastrophe.” This statement was made early in the Nuclear Age, and I think it is very prescient and very wise. Until there’s a shift in thinking among large numbers of people, we probably won’t see the change that we are seeking.

    The challenge that we have, and I think that humanity has, is to how to bring about a change in thinking. Basically, it is a matter of education and persistence. Sometimes there’s a shift in thinking beneath the surface, and it’s only when circumstances are right that the shift in thinking becomes apparent. This was the case with the Berlin Wall, with the break up of the Soviet Union, and with the ending of Apartheid in South Africa. Those things didn’t just happen on the spur of the moment. There was a lot of work that was going on, like an underground stream, which eventually broke to the surface. The power for change was there beneath the surface. In a sense, that’s an act of faith. Doing this work is an act of faith, because we don’t know what the results will be, but we do know that the problem is serious enough that it demands our attention. I often feel that the work that we do to achieve a world without nuclear weapons will eventually succeed, but it’s necessary for me not to expect immediate results and to keep working in the belief that those results will come.

    (Saionji) How do we change the way of thinking? Of course, there are different ways like education, public awareness campaigns and such. However, if we think of how we can really change the mentality and way of thinking of the people, we need to go back to the fact of how much money has been spent to prepare for wars as well as for the military budget. In a year, more than $1 trillion U.S. dollars is spent for military budgets around the world.

    Is this $1 trillion plus being used for the sake of mankind? No, I think it’s a negative expenditure, because all that money that’s spent on military budgets to prepare for war is not serving the interests of mankind.

    If you look at my diagram, you can look at the society and the economic aspects, those on macro and micro levels, as well as towards science, medicine and effects toward human beings, both direct and indirect, for the physical as well as for the mental and spiritual, as well as the effects towards environment, in regard to the oxygen, pollution, toxic substances as well as ecology. In short, if we look at more than $1 trillion being spent to prepare for war and for military budgets, I don’t think a single cent is being used for the benefits of mankind. That is something that everybody should be aware of, that so much money is being spent for a negative purpose.

    If the $1 trillion is not going to be used for military budgets, that means we can eradicate the negative side of the story. But let’s turn the story around, so that the funds are going to be used positively for the welfare of mankind. They could be used for education, eradication of poverty, food, clean water and disaster relief. Let’s say the soldiers are going to be unemployed, but they can be turned around to be engaged in relief activities or to rehabilitate the damaged environment, and so on. And the welfare expenses will be utilized for medicine and education. As a result, we abate the negative use and use it positively. If you are able to do so, that goes to providing so much help in resolving the major issues that we face. I think we need to take that kind of macroscopic view. What I wanted to add is that as long as we take the macroscopic view, mankind is facing so many varied issues. However, we do have the way to solve them.

    (Krieger) I completely agree with your analysis. When you look from a macro point of view, nuclearism is the problem, but it is embedded in the larger problem of militarism. Nuclear threats are one manifestation of it. Nuclearism happens to be a manifestation that can destroy humanity, so it has special importance.

    But in terms of changing thinking, I think it is a very good idea to focus on the extraordinary amounts of money that are largely being wasted throughout the world for military purposes. Actually, the figure that I’ve heard is closer to $1.5 trillion. I saw some statistics recently that said if we took only between five to ten percent annually of what is spent globally on the military, we could meet all eight of the Millennium Development Goals’ targets for the year 2015. There is no doubt that we are using our resources for the wrong purposes.  

    If we want to think about security, we shouldn’t be thinking only about military security. Primarily we should be thinking about human security, which would require a reallocation of resources from a model of military security to a model of security threatened in various ways by illness, pollution, poverty, hunger, etc. There is a way we can solve those problems and provide security if we use some of our resources on them.

    I think it’s fair to say that where we put our resources is where our values reside. It is important to help people everywhere understand that allocating all that money to the military reflects values that don’t honor human rights. First of all, the military is primarily a killing machine. Second, you have missed the opportunity of helping people who really need help now.

    One of the figures that is worth noting is that the United States alone spent $7.5 trillion on its nuclear weapons and delivery systems from the beginning of the Nuclear Age. This enormous amount of money has been diverted from socially beneficial programs into making weapons that hopefully will never be used again.

    (Saionji) I would like to come up with something like a textbook, or part of a textbook, a part which could be put, and edited into a textbook, in which it could be a joint collaboration with you, Dr. Krieger. Because of all the “inconvenient truths,” we would need to do a good job of accurately analyzing the situation, and expressing it in a way that is easy to understand, whether by the children or just ordinary plain people.

    (Krieger) I’d be happy to collaborate with you on such a project. This takes us back to some of our earlier comments on common sense. Everything that you are talking about here is common sense. It should be easy for people to understand. Also, using An Inconvenient Truth as a model, it might be a good idea to also prepare a video so that it’s easier for people to get the information.

    (Saionji) Yes, we can think of many other media, in terms of how to distribute the message. But what I would want to stress is that I would want as many people as possible to have an accurate understanding of what we call common sense, the simple common sense. That’s why I have referred to it as a textbook. It could be video, or it could take other form as well. Also, I serve as mentor of Japanese National Commission for UNESCO, so we could probably collaborate with them as well. It would be the mission to diffuse the message to as many people as possible, especially to the children, the importance of the common sense we share.

    One of the pillars of UNESCO’s activities is to carry out ESD, which is its Education for Sustainable Development program, and that’s the basic education that they like to render in order to create the sustainable Earth – sustainable in terms of peaceful, and would include all subjects we’ve talked about. If you talk about sustainable society, all the problems we’ve discussed would be included. I believe that’s a basic message that we need to communicate to all the people.

    (Krieger) I agree.

    (Saionji) Yes, when we were talking about the education of children earlier, you mentioned “peace leaders.” Could you elaborate a bit about “peace leaders”?

    (Krieger) We are trying to reach as many people as possible, particularly young people, and teach them about peace and about leadership. When I say peace, I mean it in a broad sense, because peace requires justice and human security. We want young people to have a sense that they can contribute to making a better world. There are things they can do and things that they need to know in order to make a contribution.

    In addition to education about the issues, we are also trying to teach leadership skills. Most young people don’t have any training for leadership. There is no place for learning how to lead in school, so we are trying to encourage young people to develop skills such as organizing, goal setting, public speaking and public outreach – various skills that are required for leadership.

    One of the things we observe is that most leadership is hierarchical. In the military or in a corporation, there are very hierarchical leadership methods. Such leadership is very easy to implement when a higher ranking person tells a lower ranking person what to do. But with peace leadership, you don’t have any hierarchy. It’s a harder form of leadership, because you cannot order somebody to do something, and you cannot fire them if they don’t do it. You have to convince them from your heart that something is worth doing. You have to sustain the interests of the people you want to follow. It is very challenging to help people to develop leadership skills in working for peace. But that’s our goal.

    It’s very interesting that we have a young person who is leading our program who was a West Point graduate. West Point is the United States Military Academy. He went through West Point and served in the army for seven years after graduating. During that period, he wrote and published a book on peace titled Will War Ever End? He has written a second book on peace that’s going to be published soon. We think we are very fortunate to have that young man, who has leadership training in the military but wants to apply that training to the challenge of developing peace leaders.

    (Saionji) Yes, we do put importance in education, so here again is another area that we would like to further step up our collaboration, especially in the Peace Leadership Program you have mentioned. I hope that we shall be able to share and exchange more information about the Peace Leadership Program, and activities that we do as well. It would be very nice if the young man you have referred to, who is a graduate of West Point, would come to Japan one day and speak to the people here in Japan.

    (Krieger) I would love to see that happen.

    (Saionji) You have been working to eliminate nuclear weapons for the last 40 years. But I don’t think the elimination of nuclear weapons in itself is an ultimate goal that you have set forth. When I read your books and other articles you have written, it is clear that just by eradicating nuclear weapons it is not going to make the world perfect or end up in a nice peaceful world. So what’s your image of a peaceful world? And how would you set that as your vision?

    (Krieger) That’s a great question. First of all, I totally agree that a world free of nuclear weapons is not necessarily a peaceful world, although I believe it would be a better world. By eliminating nuclear weapons in the world, we would have eliminated the most urgent threat to humankind and to the future of life. But, of course, that’s not the end. We need to build a world that is fair for all people, that gives all the people a chance to live their lives fully. We need to create a world in which there are not a few people living in extraordinary luxury, as at the present, while billions of people are living without enough food, without safe drinking water, without health care, without education. There’s something terribly wrong with our humanity if we allow those conditions to continue.

    We can readily identify one of the primary areas that needs to change if we are going to solve the problem of gross inequality in the world. That is redistributing the large military budgets to positive uses. I strongly believe that we have to keep working for a more just and decent world. That’s an obligation of all of us on our planet. If you have the privilege to live in a place where you are not wanting for food, where your human rights are being protected, where you already have a decent life, there is responsibility to help others who are less fortunate on our planet.

    We need to take our responsibilities, learn to think globally, become better world citizens, and speak out on these issues of inequities and injustice, and not allow them to be buried from view. We need to make these issues transparent, and we need to work to change them. Eliminating nuclear weapons is getting rid of a big threat hanging over humanity. Then we can concentrate on the many things we need to change in a positive direction.

    (Saionji) I just want to share with you the Declaration for All Life on Earth, that is by our Foundation, in which people, animals, and plants all have the responsibility to support the Earth. Furthermore, we have four guiding principles: 1) reverence for life; 2) respect for all differences; 3) gratitude for coexistence with all of nature; and 4) harmony between the spiritual and material, in which regardless of different ethnicity, or countries, there are common values that could be shared by all the people on Earth.

    I know we are running out of time, so this will be the last question. Having had the discussion this morning, I would like you to refer to what each individual can do in order so that he or she shall make a contribution to creating a world free of nuclear weapons.

    (Krieger) In looking at this Declaration for All Life on Earth, I appreciate its overall sentiments. What particularly catches my interest is the Age of the Individual, not in the sense of egoism, but an age in which every individual is ready to accept the responsibility. That’s something I have believed in for a long time – along with rights, go responsibilities. I am happy to see that responsibility is there.

    What responsibility can individuals take with regard to nuclear weapons? I think responsibility lies primarily with the citizens of nuclear weapon states, the countries that have nuclear weapons. But in broader sense it’s a problem for all humanity. People need to cut through the seeming layers of complication, and get to the level of understanding that these weapons do not promote life and are really instruments of death on a massive scale, a scale beyond anything that we can easily imagine.

    One of the challenges is just to imagine what nuclear weapons are capable of. Beyond that, people need to speak out, they need to communicate with their political leaders, they need to not accept simplistic solutions from political leaders, but rather to challenge reliance upon these weapons.

    Individuals need to themselves become agents of change. First, they need to learn, then they can teach other people, their friends and acquaintances. The last thing, I think is the need to persevere and persist in seeking the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. I think everybody has different talents. Some people are fine singers, some people can write, some people can teach. Whatever a person’s talent happens to be, I would like to see them use their creativity to put that talent to work for a nuclear weapon-free world. I cannot tell them how to use their talents, but I know everyone has some talent that they can use. My main point is that people need to raise the priority of the nuclear issue, and understand the urgency of solving this problem, so we can move on and solve the many other serious problems that deserve our attention.

    (Saionji) Thank you very much. It was a very wonderful discussion, and thank you so much for your contribution to our Foundation.

    (Krieger) Thank you, it was a pleasure talking with you.

    Hiroo Saionji is President of the Goi Peace Foundation (www.goipeace.or.jp) founded in Japan in 1999. The Foundation is dedicated to supporting the evolution of humanity toward a peaceful and harmonious new civilization by promoting consciousness, values and wisdom for creating peace, and by building cooperation among individuals and organizations across diverse fields, including education, science, culture and the arts. Mr. Saionji is the great-grandson of Prince Kinmochi Saionji, who was twice Prime Minster of Japan during the Meiji Period. He also serves as the president of the World Peace Prayer Society, a member of the Japanese National Commission for UNESCO, an Ambassador of the World Wisdom Council, and a member of the Board of Trustees of the Foundation for Cultural Heritage and Art Research, among others. In 2007, he was awarded the Cultural Prize of the Dr. Lin Tsung-i Foundation of Taiwan, in recognition of his contributions to world peace. He also received the Philosopher Saint Shree Dnyaneshwara World Peace Prize of India along with his wife Masami Saionji in 2008.

  • Glorious Beings: Creating a New World Culture

    I came into the world in a thunderstorm in June 1914, when great changes were beginning to happen. It was in a year when the First World War engulfed Europe and Africa and Asia, when the powers of science and technology brought down the barriers between nations – and great scientists gave us glimpses of our place in the throbbing universe.

    Dr. Brian Swime, a noted physicist, said “The vastness of this universe couldn’t have been otherwise…This universe, which is 30 billion light years across, the smallest universe we could fit into…The universe had to expand at this rate to enable our existence.  We belong here.  This is home.  This has been our home for 15 billion years…If you altered the origin of the universe even just slightly, none of us would even be here.  That means then, that our existence is implicit.  We don’t only stand on our feet, we stand on the original fireball; we stand on the expansion of the universe as a whole.”

    When I gaze at your luminous faces, I am convinced that Dr. Swime is right.  I am also sure that Albert Einstein was right when he said that if we could understand what we really are we would know that we are glowing fields of electromagnetic energy.  We are also collections of dancing atoms filled with negative and positive charges.

    There are auras of light around your amazing bodies and your immortal souls are shining through your eyes.

    Look at one another.  Listen to one another.  Touch one another.  Become aware of what glorious beings you are.  You are far more involved in shaping the future than you have begun to realize.

    Humanity is in a tragic situation.  You are surrounded by more dangers than any generation before you.  And yet you have more strength, more technological knowledge, more allies to help you than any previous people who came into existence in the years past.

    How do I dare to make such statements to you?  I dare because I have lived in this body for more than 90 years – and I have experienced many miracles.

    In my youth, I poured out stories of man’s incredible achievements.  I became known as a pioneer of wonder. I brought the book to show you what came forth from me when I was writing science fiction.

    One world was not enough for me.  I leaped from planet to planet.  I was drawn to the stars, as many young people in my time were.  When I walked at night in my father’s backyard and gazed at the blazing lights in the sky, I didn’t feel dwarfed by them or overcome by their intensity.  I saw them as playgrounds for my mind and spirit – and I still do.

    I believe that we human beings will triumph over all the horrible problems we may face, and over the bloody history of our failures.  We pray and we play.  We have divine sparks in us.  We discover what Einstein and other great ones among us discovered.  Einstein wrote: “Everyone who is involved in the pursuit of science becomes convinced that a Spirit is manifested in the Universe – a spirit vastly superior to that of man, and we must be humble in our awareness of that Spirit moving among us, shaping the future with us.”

    Through play we discover our kinship with the Almighty Being who brought us into life.  God laughs and dances.  God gave us the power to find endless joy in celebrating the mysteries and wonders of this life. Some of our scientists brought us into the Nuclear Age and made us realize that we must find ways of living in peace or confront unparalleled catastrophes.

    I grew up in a praying and playing family and the Glorious Beings I have encountered seem related to me.  I went to Catholic schools where the nuns taught me that I shared in the creative mightiness that had shaped the stars.  I felt that I was made to speak freely in all circumstances.

    As a young reporter on The Kansas City Star I was sent to a press conference sponsored by Franklin D. Roosevelt, just after he had won re-election by millions of votes.  I was given a chance to speak directly with him.  He said in a soft voice: “As a journalist you have much power, Mr. Kelly.”  “Not the powers you have,” I said.  He tilted his head and said, “But I think I missed my calling.”  “You did?” I said.  “Yes,” he answered: “I wanted to be a journalist,” he muttered.  “You can ask anybody anything – and people have to respond.  And nobody tells you what you have to say.”

    “That’s not the kind of power you have,” I replied then.  He shook his head.  “Everybody tries to tell me what to do,” the President responded.

    I left his presence with amazement.  He was famous and beloved by millions of his fellow citizens.  But he didn’t have the kind of power he wanted!

    I realized that some of the Glorious Beings who seem to tower above us do not realize how much strength they have.  I had already experienced many frustrations as a journalist, but I didn’t feel defeated or crushed by the limitations on me.

    In my many years of pursuing “truth” and “solid answers” in my contacts with leaders in many fields, I became aware that it was a special gift to feel “glorious.”

    In my program here tonight I want you to realize that many “creative beings” serve humanity with a demonstrated dedication to public service but feel in their hearts that they can never attain the fulfillment they are encouraged to seek.

    Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King met violent deaths although they were dedicated to non-violence.  Albert Einstein and other great scientists knew that they had helped to build devastating weapons that endangered life on earth.  Eleanor Roosevelt never succeeded in putting an end to the arms race.  She travelled over many parts of the world, demonstrating her willingness to exhaust herself in the noble efforts of the peacemakers.  Harry Truman tried to rebuild areas of the earth, which had been savagely scourged by his use of military power.

    When I entered journalism in 1935, I spent my first 10 months on The Star’s staff primarily on death notices.  In those months, I gained a deep appreciation of the significance of each human life and its impact on all those in the same stages around them.  I realized that Kansas City was a segregated place in those years.  Blacks and other minorities were in the background, living in their own atmosphere.  They had their own churches, their own emergency services, their own hospitals, their own cemeteries.

    I became disturbed by the fact that I knew little by the black people and the many poor families existing in my city.  After I became an expert in briefly describing many lives, I was suddenly hurled into the hectic atmosphere of the General Hospital.  I rode in ambulances with drivers and doctors to the scenes of accidents, explosions, fires, murders, and domestic violence.  I saw people lying in the streets or bleeding in back rooms of apartments and boarding houses.  I discovered that many men were brutal.  They pounded their wives and children with their fists and straps, they crashed into one another with their autos and motorcycles, ran over pedestrians, and exploded with rage when they were frustrated.  They had to be shackled or thrown into jails by tough policemen.  I became gradually convinced of the superiority of women and began to believe that women should rule the world.

    My estimates of women were affected by the fact that women rarely engaged in violent acts themselves. I was always grateful for the kindness of women, for their tenderness and nurturing affections for their parents, their sisters and brothers, their lovers and husbands, their children and their friends.  I knew they had human faults and failings; I knew they could be angry and speak harshly about other people; they could be dominating and vindictive; and occasionally inflict blows on other women and men; but they were rarely killers.  I became convinced that the flourishing of humanity depended partly upon the civilizing influences of women.

    My father demonstrated the aggressive qualities of men.  When he got drunk, he was ready to use his fists and any weapons he carried.  When I was 3 years old, in 1917, he responded aggressively to President Woodrow Wilson’s call for a declaration of war against Germany after the Germans sank some American ships.  He rushed off to enlist in the army.  He was eager to execute the German Kaiser, to make the world safe for democracy.  He put me into a little soldier’s suit that made me look like a young soldier.  He taught me to salute him and all other officers.  He was eager to get into combat in France.  He killed Germans in face-to-face struggles in the trenches.

    He was severely wounded by a piece of shrapnel that lodged in his neck and his face was twisted by a scar on a deep wound.  When he came home, he suffered from nightmares of face-to-face attacks.  I had to wake him up from those screaming moments, and his yelling haunted me for the rest of my life.

    In war, men sought glory by wounding one another or killing their opponents.  The young Germans he encountered in the bloody trenches were often as brave as he was, as sure as he was that the murders they committed were justified.  Millions died, striving to validate their manhood.

    I remember the Armistice Day – November 11 – in 1918 – when church bells rang and victory sirens sounded.  I also remember the weeping and wailing of a woman in the boarding house where my mother and I stayed while we waited for my father to return from France.  That woman had received a telegram telling her that her husband had been killed in one of the last battles.  For her, as for many others who received similar telegrams, the victory was bitter.

    Why did glorious beings kill one another?  Why did young men, charged with the energy of youth, use heavy weapons to tear off the heads and arms and eyes of their labeled “enemies?”  Nobody could answer those questions for me.

    I had taken part in World War II, after the United States was directly attacked.  I was assured that there would be peace and lasting joy after Hitler and the Japanese militarists had been eliminated.  They were smashed in 1945 and those who had fought against them celebrated wildly.

    But then we learned that Russia was dominated by a communist dictatorship and Stalin and his minions had to be eliminated, too.  I was asked to write speeches for a president, Harry Truman, who had been compelled to make a horrendous decision – to use atom bombs against Japan to end the Second World War.  I discovered that he had given much thought to the creation of a global organization to save humanity from the scourge of war.

    Truman carried in his wallet a poem by a Glorious Being – Alfred Tennyson – written in 1842, predicting a final war involving aerial navies, which led to the formation of a Federation for the World, a Parliament for Humanity.

    A humble man who never exalted himself, Truman had a glorious agenda.  He had helped to launch and uphold the United Nations, and he was determined to make it effective in helping all countries to enter an unprecedented era of lasting peace and prosperity.  He strove to get the rich nations to devote some of their tremendous resources to aid the poor nations to reduce or eliminate poverty all over the planet.  He proclaimed that “a decent, satisfying life” was “the right of all people.”  He shared General Eisenhower’s view that war was a theft from the resources of people.

    In the 1948 campaign I helped Truman make the people aware that “the destiny of the United States is to provide leadership in the world toward a realization of the Four Freedoms.”  Those Freedoms were articulated in an address to the Congress in 1941 by President Franklin D. Roosevelt.  F.D.R. asserted that the American heritage had developed a full understanding of the basic freedoms vital for human progress: Freedom of speech and expression; freedom of worship; freedom from want by assuring a healthy peaceful life – and freedom from fear, by reducing military arms everywhere.

    The U.S. had emerged from the horrifying struggle of World War II with a booming economy – and a future with unlimited possibilities.  They felt that the future of humanity depended on the ethical behavior of a giant nation.

    I shared the hopes of those leaders.  I had lived through the transformation of the U.S. from the Depression years, with millions of unemployed and desperate citizens, into a place with dazzling opportunities in every field.

    When Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas became chairman of the Center’s board, I worked closely with him. He was a “glorious being,” full of courage and willing to take the initiative in many ways.  He advocated Centers in all the major cities of the world.

    The Center gave much attention to all the major problems facing humanity, especially the arms race and the Cold War.  Two Center pamphlets written by the noted analyst Walter Millis – one on Individual Freedom and the Common Defense and one on The Constitution and the Common Defense – were widely circulated.  Millis described what he called “the war system,” and he declared that would have to be dismantled if humanity really wanted to survive.  He predicted that the devastating power of nuclear weapons would force the great nations (those with thousands of those weapons) to agree on a nonproliferating treaty to avoid a nuclear holocaust.  Albert Einstein, the scientist recognized by all countries, said that the maintenance of such weapons might lead humanity to “drift into an unparalleled catastrophe.”  The dire commentaries of many brilliant scientists enabled humanity to avoid that catastrophe during the years of the “cold war” between the U.S. and the Soviets, but the dangers had to be seen for decades.

    Nuclear war was avoided but the U.S. plunged into an extensive disaster in Vietnam under several presidents.  The Vietnam War brought poverty and slaughter to millions for many years.  President Nixon took four years to sanction an American withdrawal.

    The “glorious beings” at the Center sponsored a trip to Vietnam by two directors – Harry Ashmore and William Baggs, who went to Vietnam and returned with proposals that could have ended the war in the 1960s.  But the leaders on both sides were not ready to settle their differences.

    The Center tried in many ways to build foundations for peace through exchanges of ideas and proposals by leaders from many countries who participated in an intervention convocation at the UN based on Pope John’s encyclical Pacem in Terris.

    Scholars at the Center were active in many ways.  It issued warnings on the decay and disarray of democratic institutions long before the Watergate scandal appeared in the headlines.  Other Center publications warned of the creeping pollution of the planet, long before millions of people realized that the web of life might be destroyed by such pollution.

    In advance of actual developments, people at the Center revealed the thinking of radical students, the changing attitudes of the young toward the whole society, the implications of the changes in race relations, and the demands of ethnic minorities.  The Center showed the defects of the mass media at a time when people were not aware of the corruption of the media and the pervasive impact of the press and broadcasting industries on every facet of modern life.

    Six years of discussions, involving dozens of meetings and thoughts of 200 consultants (including historians, judges, political scientists, economists, and others) went into the Center’s drafts for a new American Constitution.  A model for the 20th century was finally published in 1970.  The principal drafter was Rexford G. Tugwell, a former member of President Roosevelt’s “brains trust.”  But the man who pushed it into publication was Robert Hutchins, former president of the University of Chicago, the elected head of the Center in Santa Barbara.

    The model Constitution was not designed for ratification and implementation but as an instrument for thinking about the issues of the 1970s.  At a time when American institutions did not seem to be functioning effectively, the Center scholars hoped that the model might awaken hope in millions of apathetic citizens and bring new vitality to a sagging democracy.

    But the development of that model document turned out to be one of most controversial projects in which the Center had ever engaged.  It was regarded as foolish, futile, and possibly dangerous to the American system.  It stirred hot arguments for years, but it did not produce the long-range effects Hutchins had tried to evoke.

    When internal strife occurred at the Center in 1967 and 1975, it became evident to people outside the Center that the scholars on Eucalyptus Hill were not able to solve their own constitutional problems.

    In spite of its own internal failures, in spite of all the defects and limitations of its own projects, the Center had an impact on scholars, editors, broadcasters, political leaders, lawyers, economists and others in many fields in many countries.

    Admiral Hyman Rickover, commander of the American nuclear submarines, took part in several Center conferences and once donated $1,000 to help keep the Center going, said he thought the Center’s budget was relatively small.  He referred to the billions he could get from Congress for nuclear ships ad said he thought the Center was more vital for the future of humanity than submarines or other weapons.

    Paul Dickson, in his book on American research organizations entitled Think Tanks, said its dedication to future problems gave it a unique role.

    Many “glorious beings” were connected with the Center.  The threat of annihilation still hangs over humanity’s future.  The best thinking of the bravest people will always be needed.

  • NATO Goes Anti-Nuclear?

    This article was originally published by Foreign Policy in Focus.

    President Obama’s call
    for a nuclear-weapons-free world in Prague last April unleashed a great
    outpouring of support from international allies and grassroots
    activists demanding a process to actually eliminate nuclear weapons.
    One recent and unexpected initiative has come from America’s NATO
    allies. Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and Norway have called
    on NATO to review its nuclear policy and remove all U.S. nuclear
    weapons currently on European soil under NATO’s  “nuclear sharing”
    policy. Despite U.S. insistence on strict adherence to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
    (NPT), which prohibits the transfer of nuclear weapons to non-nuclear
    weapons states, several hundred U.S. nuclear bombs are housed in
    Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, and Turkey.

    Citing Obama’s announcement in Prague of “America’s commitment to
    seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons,” the
    NATO allies have broken ranks with the United States. All five
    governments are experiencing domestic pressure to end the hypocrisy of
    the NPT, where nuclear “haves” disregard their disarmament requirements
    with impunity while using coercion, sanctions, threats of war, and even
    actual war (as in Iraq) to prevent the nuclear “have-nots” from
    acquiring nuclear bombs. Together with calls from major former political and military leaders to eliminate nuclear weapons, as well as UN Secretary General Ban-ki Moon’s proposal for a five-point program
    “to rid the world of nuclear bombs,” these NATO members have seized the
    political moment. They have decided to do their part to maintain the
    integrity of the NPT in advance of the five-year review conference this
    May at the UN in New York.

    The NATO five put NATO’s nuclear policy on the agenda
    for an April strategy meeting in Estonia. They have neither been
    dissuaded by Obama’s cautionary note that the goal of a
    nuclear-weapons-free world “will not be reached quickly — perhaps not
    in my lifetime,” nor discouraged by Secretary of State Hillary
    Clinton’s mistaken qualification of Obama’s remarks when she said that “we might not achieve the ambition of a world without nuclear weapons in our lifetime or successive lifetimes” (emphasis added).

    Progress Elsewhere

    Japan has also called for more rapid progress on nuclear
    disarmament. The new Democratic Party government, which ended 60 years
    of one-party rule, wrote Clinton and Defense Secretary Robert Gates to
    disavow the pro-nuclear advocacy of former Japanese officials. U.S.
    militarists often cited such advocacy as a rationale for maintaining
    the U.S. nuclear “umbrella” over Japan. Supporting Obama’s call for a
    nuclear-weapons-free world, Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada urged the
    United States to declare that nuclear weapons would be used only for
    the “sole purpose” of deterring a nuclear attack. The declaration would
    end current U.S. policy, first expanded by the Clinton administration
    and maintained throughout the Bush presidency, to preemptively use
    nuclear weapons against the threat or use of chemical, biological, or
    conventional forces. Additionally, over 200 Japanese parliamentarians wrote to reassure
    Obama that, contrary to assertions by U.S. military hawks, Japan would
    not seek the possession of nuclear weapons were the United States to
    declare a “sole use” limitation on its nuclear arsenal.

    These promising anti-nuclear positions come at an important
    political moment. Obama has been expected shortly to deliver to
    Congress a new nuclear posture review setting forth U.S. policy for the
    use of nuclear weapons. Originally scheduled for a January release, the
    review has been delayed several times. News of conflicting views among
    the drafters and of Obama’s dissatisfaction with the most recent
    version, which promotes the status quo on outdated Cold War nuclear policies, has been prominently reported in the mainstream press.

    Pentagon Pushback

    Gates has defended existing nuclear policy and expressed dissatisfaction with our NATO allies. At a meeting to discuss NATO’s 21st Century Strategic Concept — and on the heels of the Dutch government’s collapse over the decision to extend its troop deployment in Afghanistan — Gates stated that:

    The demilitarization of Europe — where
    large swaths of the general public and political class are averse to
    military force and the risks that go with it — has gone from a blessing
    in the 20th century to an impediment to achieving real security and lasting peace in the 21st.

    At the same meeting, U.S. National Security Advisor General James
    Jones said, “NATO must be prepared to address, deny, and deter the full
    spectrum of threats, whether emanating from within Europe at NATO’s
    boundaries, or far beyond NATO’s borders.”

    Clinton, furthermore, urged the exponential growth of “missile defense throughout the world and warned that:

    [N]uclear proliferation and the
    development of more sophisticated missiles in countries such as North
    Korea and Iran are reviving the specter of an interstate nuclear
    attack. So how do we in NATO do out part of ensure that such weapons
    never are unleashed on the world?

    Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, commenting on the new NATO
    strategic concept, raised Russia’s deep concerns that NATO’s assertion
    of a right to use military force globally violated the UN Charter.
    Russia views U.S. plans to ring Europe with missiles in Bulgaria,
    Poland, and Romania, with a missile command center in the Czech
    Republic, as a threat. The Obama-Medvedev negotiations on the first
    round of nuclear arms cuts on START (the Strategic Arms Reduction
    Treaty) have been delayed repeatedly by disagreements on U.S. plans for missile proliferation.

    Momentum Builds

    Nevertheless, there is extraordinary momentum behind calls to
    abolish nuclear weapons. Thousands of international visitors are
    expected to join U.S. citizens to assemble, march, and rally in New York during the NPT Review Conference in May. Mayors for Peace is working to enroll 5,000 mayors in its Vision 2020 Campaign to complete negotiations on a treaty to eliminate nuclear weapons by 2020. The International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons and the Abolition 2000 Network
    are committed to work for a nuclear weapons convention regardless of
    the NPT outcome. Norway, host of the successful Oslo process to ban
    cluster bombs, noted that the Oslo and Ottawa processes banning
    landmines could be replicated to move forward on a nuclear disarmament based on
    “powerful alliances between civil society and governments.” There has
    been an unprecedented media focus on U.S. nuclear policy and debate
    about whether Obama can make good on his pledge and earn his Nobel
    Peace Prize.

    Nearly 25 years ago, Mikhail Gorbachev unleashed the forces of perestroika and glasnost
    in the Soviet Union. These forces kindled people’s aspirations for
    freedom, resulting in the fall of the Berlin Wall and dissolution of
    the Soviet empire. Despite the formidable array of powerful interests
    lawlessly brandishing their missiles and refurbishing their nuclear
    arsenals, Obama and Medvedev’s call for a nuclear-weapons-free world
    may similarly have unleashed forces that will transform the 20th-century paradigm of perpetual war and terror.