Tag: nuclear justice

  • Does anybody know what time it is?

    Does anybody know what time it is?

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    The following article was published in the Santa Maria Times on January 28, 2026, and authored by Scott Fina, NAPF Board Member.

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    As I was walking down the street one day

    A man came up to me and asked me

    What the time was that was on my watch

    Yeah, and I said….

    … Does anybody really know what time it is?

    … Does anybody really care?

    … You know, I can’t imagine why

    … We’ve all got time enough to cry

    – “Does Anybody Really Know What Time It Is?” by Chicago, 1969

    Time can be a funny thing. It’s certainly complex.

    According to Albert Einstein’s theorizing, the speed of time is variable, depending on someone’s relative motion.

    The time of day or night can be different for two people in different places around the world. If it’s noon in California, it’s midnight in the United Arab Emirates.

    Depending on peoples’ feelings or circumstances, time can seem to move too slow, or too fast.

    For some, time can feel like a friend; for others, it can feel like an enemy.

    The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists would strongly suggest we see time as such an enemy, at least when it comes to the Doomsday Clock.

    The Doomsday Clock is an idea created in 1947 by Einstein, J. Robert Oppenheimer, and other scientists connected to the creation of the atomic bomb. The concept uses “the imagery of apocalypse (midnight) and the contemporary idiom of nuclear explosion (countdown to zero) to convey threats to humanity and the planet”.

    On Jan. 27 the Science and Security Board of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists set the Doomsday Clock at 85 seconds to midnight, the closest it’s ever been as a warning of worldwide nuclear Armageddon.

    Scientists made this calculation on the basis of ongoing modernization of nuclear weapons by the nuclear powers — especially the U.S and Russia — and the coinciding military conflicts and tensions around the world.

    Astoundingly, relatively few people on our planet seem alarmed by, or even conscious of, the potential nuclear annihilation. And despite the hit song by Chicago, we really all won’t have time enough to cry if and when the nuclear bombs start flying.

    But wait! There’s more — or possibly less — depending on what happens in a very short time.

    Here I refer to the last standing nuclear treaty between the U.S. and Russia, known as “New START”.

    The treaty is scheduled to expire on Feb. 5 of this week. The expiration of this treaty will be bad news for both the U.S. and Russia, and humanity itself, not to mention most of the rest of life as we know it on Earth.

    Indeed, there is much at stake for the New START Treaty. According to the U.S. Department of State, under New START, by 2018, the U.S. and Russia each met (and have since maintained) a limit on deployed nuclear weapons and delivery systems.

    These include a maximum of “700 deployed intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), deployed submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), and deployed heavy bombers equipped for nuclear armaments”.

     The number of actual nuclear warheads deployed on these delivery systems are limited to 1,550.

    New START also established several measures of “verification and transparency” to assure both countries comply with the agreed-to limits of the nuclear missiles and warheads.

    They are mandated to “exchange data on the numbers, locations, and technical characteristics of weapons systems and facilities that are subject to the treaty and provide each other with regular notifications and updates.”

    In simpler terms, both the U.S. and Russia have been letting each other know where their nukes are and how many are deployed. Moreover, New START allows onsite inspections by both nations.

    Surprisingly, on Sept. 22, 2025, Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly offered to extend New START for another year beyond its expiration if the U.S. would also do so.

    So far, the Trump administration has not agreed to Putin’s offer.

    Perhaps the Trump administration has been too busy to respond to Russia, being occupied with taking over Venezuela and preparing to conquer other sovereign nations, not to mention the federal military invasion of U.S. cities.

    But admittedly, even if New START is extended, the threat of nuclear annihilation will go on. The U.S. and Russia can each wipe out humanity numerous times over with the limited number of nuclear warheads deployed under New START.

    Still, having some bilateral treaty with Russia would be helpful.

    Also, there is the United Nations Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons that went into force in 2021, outlawing their use and possession by all nations.

    According to the Arms Control Association, 99 countries have signed this treaty, 74 of which have ratified it. Unfortunately, no nuclear power has agreed to join the treaty, including the U.S. which is the nation that brought nuclear weapons into the world, and the only nation that has used them.

    It will take only 30 minutes or less for the U.S. and Russia to launch and strike each other with nuclear-armed missiles. And again, there will never be enough time to cry if this is how the world ends.

    [/fusion_text][fusion_button link=”https://santamariatimes.com/opinion/commentary/does-anybody-know-what-time-it-is-guest-commentary/article_e79f33fa-678c-404d-8a9b-dd5720a8762d.html” title=”” target=”_self” link_attributes=”” aria_role_button=”0″ alignment_medium=”” alignment_small=”” alignment=”center” modal=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_display=”normal,sticky” class=”” id=”” color=”custom” button_gradient_top_color_hover=”” hue=”” saturation=”” lightness=”” alpha=”” button_gradient_top_color=”#004c7d” button_gradient_bottom_color_hover=”” button_gradient_bottom_color=”#004c7d” gradient_start_position=”” gradient_end_position=”” gradient_type=”” radial_direction=”” linear_angle=”180″ accent_hover_color=”” accent_color=”var(–awb-color1)” type=”” bevel_color=”” bevel_color_hover=”” border_top=”” border_right=”” border_bottom=”” border_left=”” border_radius_top_left=”” border_radius_top_right=”” border_radius_bottom_right=”” border_radius_bottom_left=”” border_hover_color=”” border_color=”” size=”” padding_top=”” padding_right=”” padding_bottom=”” padding_left=”” fusion_font_family_button_font=”” fusion_font_variant_button_font=”” font_size=”” line_height=”” letter_spacing=”” text_transform=”” stretch=”default” margin_top=”” margin_right=”” margin_bottom=”” margin_left=”” icon=”” icon_position=”left” icon_divider=”no” hover_transition=”none” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_color=”” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=””]Read Article in Santa Maria Times HERE[/fusion_button][/fusion_builder_column][/fusion_builder_row][/fusion_builder_container][fusion_global id=”30254″]

  • ACURA Symposium: Mr. President, Renew New START for the Sake of Peace.

    ACURA Symposium: Mr. President, Renew New START for the Sake of Peace.

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    The following article was published in American Committee for US-Russia Accord (ACURA) Exclusive on January 28, 2026.

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    ACURA Symposium: Mr. President, Renew New START for the Sake of Peace.

    The New START Treaty expires on February 5th. 

    As of this writing, little is known about the Trump administration’s intentions with regard to renewing the treaty. 

    While Russian President Vladimir Putin has expressed his desire to extend the treaty, it is possible that Trump is being influenced by a coterie of neoconservatives to hold off on extending New START. 

    Meanwhile, the usual chorus of unreconstructed hawks who staff most of DC’s think tanks are urging the administration to hold off, as it would be seen as a “reward” to Vladimir Putin. 

    Others claim extending New START is contrary to US national security interests.

    We believe this line of thinking is both short-sighted and dangerous. In order to draw public (and hopefully Congressional) attention to the risks involved of not renewing, we present the following contributions from experts in arms control, international relations, and US-Russian affairs who believe the Trump administration ought to renew New START.

    —Katrina vanden Hevel and James W. Carden for ACURA


    Cynthia Lazaroff is an award-winning documentary filmmaker and founder of Women Transforming Our Nuclear Legacy. She is author of Dawn of a New Armageddon, a personal account of the Hawaii missile scare published in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists on Hiroshima Day.

    The Doomsday Clock is ticking closer to midnight.

    New START, the last remaining arms control treaty between the U.S. and Russia, the two countries which together possess 87% of the world’s estimated 12,241 nuclear weapons, is set to expire on February 5th.

    The stakes are high.

    Abandoning New START’s nuclear warhead limits could lead to the unchecked expansion of U.S. and Russian nuclear arsenals and accelerate the perilous arms race underway between the U.S., Russia and China. More nuclear weapons will not make us safer but instead increase the likelihood that they will one day be used, whether by accident, blunder, miscalculation,  mistake or intention.

    Wargaming exercises conducted by nuclear war planners and experts that simulate scenarios involving the U.S. and Russia that start with the use of one nuclear weapon repeatedly end up in an apocalyptic escalation to full-scale nuclear war.  A global all-out nuclear war between the United States and Russia would kill a minimum of 360 million people directly, and an estimated more than 5 billion people would die of hunger due to a global famine caused by nuclear winter.

    Former U.S. Secretary of Defense William Perry has sounded the alarm on the terrifying nuclear risks of our time: “Today, the danger of some sort of a nuclear catastrophe is greater than it was during the Cold War and most people are blissfully unaware of this danger,” he told me in an interview in 2017, five years before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. “Because we don’t understand the dangers, we make no serious attempt to repair the hostility between the United States and Russia, and so we are allowing ourselves to sleepwalk into another catastrophe. We must wake up.”

    It’s time to wake up.

    To back us away from the brink, Trump should make a deal with Putin now to continue to abide by the New START Treaty limits on intercontinental-range nuclear weapons which cap each side’s deployed nuclear warheads at 1550.

    At the same time, the two leaders should agree to abide by the treaty’s verification provisions, including data exchanges, notifications on movements of strategic forces and on-site inspections. They should also restart a dialogue and cooperation on nuclear risk reduction.

    This would buy time. Time to end the threat of nuclear war before it’s too late.

    The only way to eliminate the possibility of nuclear Armageddon wiping out humanity is to eliminate nuclear weapons.

    This is why Trump and Putin should build on the momentum of extending the New START limits and take the bold step of opening negotiations on denuclearization which the U.S. President has suggested he wants.

    Disarmament is the way forward. The goal of these negotiations should be the irreversible and verifiable reduction and elimination of all nuclear weapons. This would fulfill U.S. and Russia’s mutual obligation to negotiate a treaty for complete disarmament as mandated by Article VI of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.

    Such action would demonstrate leadership by the presidents of the two largest nuclear possessor countries and lay the groundwork for engaging China and the other nuclear-armed states down the line. The U.S., Russia and all nuclear-armed states should join the United Nations Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, now signed or ratified by the majority of the countries in the world.

    Skeptics say this is delusional, naïve, all an impossible pipe dream. And who can blame them, given the high geopolitical tensions, the war raging in Ukraine, and the toxicity in U.S.-Russia relations.

    But they are sleepwalking on the gravity of what’s at stake. If we are to survive our planet’s most dangerous time, it’s an existential imperative that Trump and Putin act now to preserve the world for future generations and take steps to end the threat of nuclear annihilation forever.

    Cynthia Lazaroff is the Founder of Women Transforming Our Nuclear Legacy and NuclearWakeUpCall.Earth.  She is an award-winning documentary filmmaker and the author of Dawn of a New Armageddon.


    Ivana Nikolić Hughes is President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation and Senior Lecturer in Chemistry at Columbia University.

    In 1962, US President John F. Kennedy stated in his State of the Union Address that “the world was not meant to be a prison in which man awaits his execution.” Kennedy was talking about all of humanity and not just a single person, and the threat of nuclear warfare as a world-ending event, rather than some singular act. Today, arguably more than ever, humanity needs to work ever harder to eliminate nuclear weapons that could destroy human civilization and possibly life itself.

    In a world where nine states are nuclear-armed, and each of them could begin a chain of events that leads to nuclear annihilation, this task is rather complex. But the first step in the necessary journey is quite clear – the United States and Russia must come together to negotiate reductions in their arsenals, each of which on its own could cause hundreds of millions of deaths from explosions alone and billions more from ensuing environmental changes. With nearly 90% of the world’s arsenals and warheads numbering in the thousands, the United States and Russia have a responsibility to initiate the process of winding down the nuclear age.

    Fifteen years ago, an important step in limiting both the number of warheads and the delivery vehicles on the part of the two countries was achieved with the New START Treaty. Its impending expiration is not only a threat to the prospect of disarmament, but could lead to a potential reversal in the reductions that the world had seen since the end of the Cold War. If the treaty is not extended and subsequently re-negotiated, we could return to a trajectory of arsenal increases, rather than decreases (or no changes) that have characterized the past four decades.

    The United States government should accept the offer of the Russian President, Vladimir Putin, to extend New START for another year, and should subsequently push for negotiations for an enhanced New START or a replacement treaty. There is not a moment to lose.


    Paul R. Grenier is President of the Simone Weil Center for Political Philosophy. He worked for many years as a simultaneous interpreter for the U.S. Defense and State Departments, serving as lead interpreter for US Central Command’s peacekeeping exercises with post-Soviet states. 

    It is hard to see how America’s interests are well served by convincing powerful states that we are not only untrustworthy, but also irrational and possibly insane.

    In my 2024 essay, (The Need for Trust: Reflections on the Quincy Institute’s ‘The Diplomatic Path to a Secure Ukraine’), I noted that, thanks to deceptions of various sorts, the Russian state was losing any incentive to trust the United States.  More recent actions taken by, or participated in, by the United States, show evidence of something worse than untrustworthiness. They suggest an American side that may have taken leave of its senses.

    It is well known that, according to Russia’s published military doctrine, an attack on critically important Russian state or military facilities can activate a nuclear response.  Despite this, the US/CIA has, as far as we know, actively supported Ukrainian attacks on Russian strategic assets (the attack on the Belaya air base in Irkutsk).  Although the US side now (unconvincingly) denies it, it appears that we also supported Ukraine’s Dec. 29, 2025 assassination attempt on President Putin (the attack on his Valdai residence in Novgorod).

    Today, to this already disastrous diplomatic atmosphere, ideological fans of American hegemony want to add the further insult of abandoning the New START treaty, the sole remaining vehicle of arms control between the two nuclear superpowers.

    What arguments do they mobilize in support of taking this step?

    Atlantic Council VP Matthew Kroenig tells us we should abandon New START, among other reasons, because the Russian and Chinese leaders are evil. “Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping,” Kroening writes, “care less about the well-being of their citizens and more about their own lives, their regimes, and their militaries.”   Therefore, argues Kroenig, there should be no limits on how many missiles target Russian command and military centers.  And yet Kroenig’s argument is plainly circular. Putin and Xi don’t care about their own people because they are evil. How do we know they are evil? Because they don’t care about their own people.  Meanwhile, would it not be easy enough to demonstrate that, for at least the last century and right up until the present moment, U.S. leaders have shown remarkable indifference to human life? Should the American state therefore also be targeted from the outside with an unlimited number of warheads?

    Kroenig argues that “Russia has violated almost every treaty it has signed.”  To support this very questionable assertion, Kroening links to an American Academy of Arts and Sciences paper which, though it provides some not very impressive supporting evidence, also notes that it is the United States that  has repeatedly withdrawn from key arms control agreements, as it did with Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty in 2002 and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran in 2017 — even though, as this same article points out, “In both cases the counterparts—Russia and Iran—were complying with the agreements.” (emphasis mine)

    What is striking about these arguments against preserving arms control is how weak they are.  They begin with their conclusion. In the present case, that conclusion is that America’s nuclear weapons development must face no restrictions. Subsequent assertions are then measured not against their truth value, but against their utility for supporting this pre-determined conclusion.

    As we may learn from G.K. Chesterton, rationality of this kind — which revolves around a closed circle of assumed ‘facts’, all the while divorced from the messiness and moral ambiguity of reality — is the ‘rationality’ of the insane.


    Peter Kuznick is Professor of History and Director of the Nuclear Studies Institute at  American University and co-author, with Oliver Stone, of The Untold History of the United States.

    The world has entered a dangerous new phase of superpower confrontation and potential war. On June 10 of this year, U.S. Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard released a powerful two-and-a-half minute video that began with devastating scenes of atomic bomb-caused destruction in Hiroshima and warned that “we are…closer to the brink of nuclear annihilation than ever before.” On October 20 of this year, Sergei Naryshkin, head of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Agency SVR, said, “The world is now experiencing the most fragile moment for international security since World War Two.”

    We should heed their warnings. The progress we have made in reducing nuclear arsenals from the 1980s peak of 70,000 to under 13,000 today is being reversed and all nine nuclear powers are modernizing their arsenals to make them more accurate and more lethal. If New START is not extended, we will plunge headlong into a new Cold War-style nuclear arms race and very likely a period of global nuclear anarchy. There will be no binding legal restraints upon the size of nuclear arsenals for most nuclear powers, aside from the universally ignored Article 6 of the NPT, which should, but does not, constrain the five original nuclear powers.

    The U.S. and Russia–the parties to New START–possess 87 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons and relations between the two nuclear behemoths blow hot and cold over Russia’s highly provoked but still unwise invasion of Ukraine and Trump’s unprovoked and unjustified bombings of Iran and Venezuela. Both countries are poised to dramatically increase the size of their nuclear arsenals when New START ends in less than a month. Russia has already introduced a series of terrifying new nuclear weapons and delivery systems—the Oreshniks, Burevestniks, and Poseidons. The U.S. is pouring $1.7 trillion into its own 30-year modernization with Trump demanding a 50 percent jump in military spending in the new budget.

    Extending New START while negotiating an expanded new treaty is necessary but not sufficient in light of recent developments. On August 20, 2024, New York Times’ David Sanger reported that the U.S. is planning to simultaneously fight a nuclear war against Russia, China, and North Korea. That same day, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists carried an even more alarming article by Jack O’Doherty explaining that U.S. nuclear planners were divided between those who still believed in deterrence theory based on the threat of mutually assured destruction and those who believed technological advances made feasible a preemptive strike knocking out the other side’s retaliatory capability, including, for the first time, its nuclear-armed submarines.

    Added to this lunacy is the danger of nuclear proliferation. 73 percent of South Koreans say they want their country to develop its own nuclear weapons. In November, Foreign Policy published an article arguing that Japan should develop its own nuclear weapons. Five days earlier, Foreign Affairs wrote that Japan, Germany, and Canada should do so. Zelensky has called for Ukraine to have nuclear weapons. Other countries are itching to get their hands on them as well, especially in response to recent attacks that make countries feel the only way to protect against what happened in Ukraine, Iran, or Venezuela is to have nuclear weapons.

    Fears of war between the U.S./NATO and Russia or China keep growing. In 2023, Gen. Mike Minihan predicted war with China in 2025. Others say 2027. In November, Admiral Thomas Buchanan described U.S. plans to win a three-front nuclear war and keep enough weapons in reserve to maintain U.S. hegemony. This should be a wakeup call if one is still needed. Extending the New START Treaty in such volatile and precarious times is an absolutely necessary first step if we want our species to continue, but we must do much more and quickly if we want to avert the risk of nuclear war and annihilation.


    Emma Claire Foley is Campaign Director of Defuse Nuclear War at RootsAction.

    U.S. and Russian nuclear weapons are already more than capable of destroying civilization as we know it. Mainstream policy discourse around the U.S. nuclear arsenal has largely been captured by a basic assumption that more nuclear weapons are better, an approach that relies on unrealistic assumptions of control, restraint, and perfect knowledge in a scenario where nuclear weapons are used.

    Many such analyses assume that political problems can be effectively addressed with military solutions, and that diplomacy is somehow a weakness. It favors instead keeping the United States on the brink of conflict with Russia and China as the only way to prevent conflict from occurring.

    And, as the fate of the nuclear sea-launched cruise missile (SLCM-N) program suggests, it’s very possible for the nuclear weapons policymaking process to produce weapons that lack a clear strategic purpose in anyone’s mind. Without New START, there will be one fewer check on the many factors that drive the continued development of U.S. and Russian nuclear arsenals.

    Criticism of the treaty frequently focuses on the need instead for arms control negotiations including the U.S., China, and Russia. These three countries should indeed take steps toward trilateral arms-control negotiations. Yet such negotiations would require tremendous work as well as policy sacrifices from the United States that are not forthcoming. Extending the treaty is a relatively easy, mutually beneficial step well within the Trump administration’s demonstrated capabilities that would help maintain a marginally safer status quo than what would exist without the treaty.

    Those who advocate allowing the treaty to lapse and adopting still more aggressive nuclear weapons policies fatally underestimate the risk inherent to possessing nuclear weapons and keeping them ready to use. The road to a more peaceful order is walked with concrete steps toward limiting the potential for conflict, not endlessly pursuing global American military dominance.

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  • ‘They poisoned us’: grappling with deadly impact of nuclear testing

    ‘They poisoned us’: grappling with deadly impact of nuclear testing

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    The following article was originally published in France24 on January 22, 2026.

    You can find the full report, including contribtuions by Dr. Ivana Hughes HERE.

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    ‘They poisoned us’: grappling with deadly impact of nuclear testing

    Geneva (AFP) – Nuclear weapons testing has affected every single human on the planet, causing at least four million premature deaths from cancer and other diseases over time, according to a new report delving into the deadly legacy.

    More than 2,400 nuclear devices were detonated in tests conducted worldwide between 1945 and 2017.

    Of the nine countries known to possess nuclear weapons — Russia, the United States, China, France, the United Kingdom, Pakistan, India, Israel and North Korea — only Pyongyang has conducted nuclear tests since the 1990s.

    But a new report from the Norwegian People’s Aid (NPA) humanitarian organisation, provided exclusively to AFP, details how the effects of past tests are still being felt worldwide.

    “They poisoned us,” Hinamoeura Cross, a 37-year-old Tahitian parliamentarian who was aged seven when France detonated its last nuclear explosion near her home in French Polynesia in 1996.

    Seventeen years later, she was diagnosed with leukaemia, in a family where her grandmother, mother and aunt already suffered from thyroid cancer.

    The explosions are known to have caused enduring and widespread harm to human health, societies and ecosystems.

    But the NPA report details over 304 pages how an ongoing culture of secrecy, along with lacking international engagement and a dearth of data, have left many affected communities scrambling for answers.

    “Past nuclear testing continues to kill today,” said NPA chief Raymond Johansen, voicing hope the report would “strengthen the resolve to prevent nuclear weapons from ever being tested or used again”.

    ‘Very dangerous’

    The issue has gained fresh relevance after US President Donald Trump’s suggestion last November that Washington could resume nuclear testing, accusing Russia and China of already doing so — charges they rejected.

    “This is very, very, very dangerous,” warned Ivana Hughes, a Columbia University chemistry lecturer and head of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, who contributed to the NPA report.

    “The nuclear testing period shows us that the consequences are extremely long-lasting and very serious,” she told AFP.

    The heaviest burden of past tests has fallen on communities living near test sites, today located in 15 different countries, including many former colonies of nuclear-armed states.

    Survivors there continue to face elevated rates of illness, congenital anomalies and trauma.

    The impact is also felt globally.

    “Every person alive today carries radioactive isotopes from atmospheric testing in their bones,” report co-author and University of South Carolina anthropology professor Magdalena Stawkowski told AFP.

    Millions of early deaths

    Hundreds of thousands of people around the globe are known to have already died from illnesses linked to past nuclear test detonations, the report highlighted.

    It pointed to strong scientific evidence connecting radiation exposure to DNA damage, cancer, cardiovascular disease and genetic effects, even at low doses.

    “The risks that radiation poses are really much greater than previously thought,” report co-author Tilman Ruff told AFP.

    The atmospheric tests alone, which were conducted up to 1980, are expected over time to cause at least two million excess cancer deaths, he said.

    And “the same number of additional early deaths (are expected) from heart attacks and strokes”, said Ruff, a Melbourne University public health fellow and co-founder of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, which won the 2017 Nobel Peace Prize.

    Ionising radiation, or particles that can snap DNA bonds in cells and turn them cancerous, is “intensely biologically harmful”, he said.

    “There is no level below which there are no effects”.

    The risks are not uniform, with foetuses and young children most affected, and girls and women 52-percent more susceptible to the cancer-inducing effects of radiation than boys and men.

    Culture of secrecy

    The NPA report documented a persistent culture of secrecy among states that had tested nuclear weapons.

    In Kiribati, for instance, studies by Britain and the United States on health and environmental impacts remain classified, preventing victims from learning what was done to them.

    And in Algeria, the precise sites where France buried radioactive waste after its tests there remain undisclosed, the report said.

    None of the nuclear-armed states has ever apologised for the tests, and even in cases where they eventually acknowledged damage, the report said compensation schemes have tended to “function more to limit liability than to help victims in good faith”.

    Local communities, meanwhile, frequently lack adequate healthcare and health screening, as well as basic risk education — leaving people unaware of the dangers or how to protect themselves.

    “The harm is underestimated, it’s under-communicated, and it’s under-addressed,” Stawkowski said.

    ‘Guinea pigs’

    When Cross was diagnosed with leukaemia aged 24, she did not immediately blame the nuclear explosions in French Polynesia decades earlier.

    “France’s propaganda was very powerful,” she told AFP, adding that in school she had only learned about the tests’ positive economic impact for France’s South Pacific islands and atolls.

    She was later “shocked” to discover that rather than a handful of harmless “tests”, France conducted 193 explosions in French Polynesia between 1966 and 1996.

    The biggest was around 200 times more powerful than the bomb the United States dropped on Hiroshima in 1945.

    “These weren’t just tests. They were real bombs,” she said, charging that her people had been treated as “guinea pigs” for decades.

    ‘Trauma’

    Other communities near test sites have also borne a heavy burden.

    Hughes pointed to the impact of the United States’ 15-megaton Bravo test at Bikini Atoll in the Marshall Islands on March 1, 1954 — “equivalent to 1,000 Hiroshima bombs — an absolute monstrosity”.

    It vaporised one island and exposed thousands nearby to radioactive fallout.

    Rongelap, about 120 kilometres (75 miles) from Bikini, saw “vaporised coral atoll mixed in with radioactive isotopes falling onto the island from the sky, with the children thinking it was snow”, Hughes said.

    The report criticised the “minimal” international response to the problem.

    It especially highlighted the nuclear-armed states’ responsibility to scale up efforts to assess needs, assist victims and clean up contaminated environments.

    “We want to understand what happened to us,” Cross said.

    “We want to heal from this trauma.”

    [/fusion_text][fusion_button link=”https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20260122-they-poisoned-us-grappling-with-deadly-impact-of-nuclear-testing” title=”” target=”_self” link_attributes=”” aria_role_button=”0″ alignment_medium=”” alignment_small=”” alignment=”center” modal=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_display=”normal,sticky” class=”” id=”” color=”custom” button_gradient_top_color_hover=”” hue=”” saturation=”” lightness=”” alpha=”” button_gradient_top_color=”#004c7d” button_gradient_bottom_color_hover=”” button_gradient_bottom_color=”#004c7d” gradient_start_position=”” gradient_end_position=”” gradient_type=”” radial_direction=”” linear_angle=”180″ accent_hover_color=”” accent_color=”var(–awb-color1)” type=”” bevel_color=”” bevel_color_hover=”” border_top=”” border_right=”” border_bottom=”” border_left=”” border_radius_top_left=”” border_radius_top_right=”” border_radius_bottom_right=”” border_radius_bottom_left=”” border_hover_color=”” border_color=”” size=”” padding_top=”” padding_right=”” padding_bottom=”” padding_left=”” fusion_font_family_button_font=”” fusion_font_variant_button_font=”” font_size=”” line_height=”” letter_spacing=”” text_transform=”” stretch=”default” margin_top=”” margin_right=”” margin_bottom=”” margin_left=”” icon=”” icon_position=”left” icon_divider=”no” hover_transition=”none” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_color=”” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=””]Read Article in France24 HERE[/fusion_button][/fusion_builder_column][/fusion_builder_row][/fusion_builder_container]

  • We are sleepwalking into nuclear catastrophe

    We are sleepwalking into nuclear catastrophe

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    The following article was authored by Dr. Ivana Nikolić Hughes and Prof. Peter Kuznick, published in Responsible Statecraft on January 20, 2026.

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    We are sleepwalking into nuclear catastrophe

    As Trump’s invasion of Venezuela shows, the premier non-proliferation treaty has eroded and risks becoming irrelevant

    In May of his first year as president, John F. Kennedy met with Israeli President David Ben-Gurion to discuss Israel’s nuclear program and the new nuclear power plant at Dimona.

    Writing about the so-called “nuclear summit” in “A State at Any Cost: The Life of David Ben-Gurion,” Israeli historian Tom Segev states that during this meeting, “Ben-Gurion did not get much from the president, who left no doubt that he would not permit Israel to develop nuclear weapons.”

    President Kennedy was alarmed by the prospect of a world in which more states came to possess nuclear weapons and saw Israel’s acquisition of nuclear arms as particularly problematic. He reasoned that if we could not convince our allies not to develop these weapons, there was little hope of convincing those with whom we had less friendly relations.

    Kennedy’s fear of nuclear proliferation only grew after the terrifying events of the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962, which demonstrated to him just how easily human civilization could end should nuclear weapons be used in a war between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. A world with “15 or 20 or 25 nations” that are nuclear armed would necessarily become ever more dangerous, Kennedy stated in his famous 1963 American University commencement address. This diagnosis would become the fundamental rationale for the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which was negotiated in the years after Kennedy’s death and signed by key states in 1968, entering into force in 1970.

    Kennedy recognized that to get a commitment from non-nuclear armed states to maintain their non-nuclear weapons state status, states with nuclear weapons would have to give something in return, namely access to nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and the promise of eventual disarmament. This idea of a “grand bargain” would eventually turn into the three pillars of the NPT. Five states that had acquired nuclear weapons up to that point (U.S., USSR, U.K., France, and China) would get to keep their nuclear arsenals, while agreeing to negotiate “in good faith” towards not just nuclear but general disarmament. Everyone else would forgo the ability to obtain nuclear weapons. Peaceful use of nuclear energy would be available to all.

    The NPT has now been in existence for over 55 years and has garnered an impressive membership of 191 States, with five states — four of which happen to be the other nuclear-armed states — outside of the treaty regime at this time: India, Israel, North Korea, and Pakistan (plus South Sudan). Israel did develop nuclear weapons after Kennedy’s death, with its first nuclear weapon becoming operational by 1967, prior to the negotiations of the NPT. India and Pakistan became nuclear powers in 1974 and 1998, respectively, and their recurrent conflicts have threatened the whole world ever since.

    Only North Korea has reached nuclear-armed status since, when it tested an atomic bomb in 2006. Having been an NPT States Party, North Korea left the treaty in 2004 after learning the following lesson from Saddam Hussein’s toppling in 2003: Get nuclear weapons or face the prospect of a regime change war, that is, unless you toe the line drawn by the United States and its friends.

    That message has only grown stronger since that time, including in Libya and Syria. But the message from the recent Venezuela invasion is even more clear: No national or international laws of any kind need apply. We will do as we please. Law is for whiners and wimps.

    The 11th Review Conference of the NPT will take place April 27-May 22 of this year at the U.N. headquarters in New York City. This gathering occurs every five years, and this year’s conference promises to be particularly contentious amid so much conflict around the world. The last two review conferences in 2015 and 2022 (the latter was postponed from 2020 due to COVID) did not produce an agreed-upon substantive outcome document.

    A third failure in a row could set the treaty back in a serious way, potentially unleashing both vertical and horizontal proliferation. In fact, recent articles in Foreign Affairs and Foreign Policy encouraged Japan to develop its own nuclear weapons, with the former also recommending that Germany and Canada join the nuclear club, while the latter threw South Korea in the mix.

    The threats to the NPT are many, from states and publics that are more skeptical of nuclear energy, which once upon a time was going to be “too cheap to meter,” to the lack of any meaningful progress on disarmament on the part of the five nuclear weapons states party to the treaty. Now there’s even a new arms race afoot. And at no time has the message been clearer to all non-nuclear weapons states: you are either with us or you better have nuclear weapons. If you belong to neither category, we will find you, take your leader in the middle of the night, and take your oil.

    But the idea that all countries would be in one of two camps and that all who don’t support the U.S. agenda should have nuclear weapons, is of course preposterous. A world with “15 or 20 or 25 nations” that are nuclear armed would lead to nuclear war and nuclear annihilation faster than we could imagine. But that is exactly where we are heading if the lawlessness is left unchecked and the U.N. continues to be sidelined and emasculated.

    In fact, the true lesson of the many decades of the NPT is that non-proliferation without earnest disarmament on the part of the nuclear weapons states and without a solemn commitment to international law does not work. Further weakening of the U.N. Charter, as we have seen play out in Venezuela, will surely make matters worse. Only sober efforts at diplomacy and negotiation, including by extending and re-negotiating the New START Treaty between the U.S. and Russia, can save us from ourselves.

    _________________________________________

    Ivana Nikolić Hughes is President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation and a Senior Lecturer in Chemistry at Columbia University. She is a member of the Scientific Advisory Group to the United Nations Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.

    Peter Kuznick is a professor of history and Director of the Nuclear Studies Institute at American University in Washington, D.C. He is also the author of numerous books, and co-author (with Oliver Stone) of The Untold History of the United States.

    [/fusion_text][fusion_button link=”https://responsiblestatecraft.org/nuclear-weapons-race/” title=”” target=”_self” link_attributes=”” aria_role_button=”0″ alignment_medium=”” alignment_small=”” alignment=”center” modal=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_display=”normal,sticky” class=”” id=”” color=”custom” button_gradient_top_color_hover=”” hue=”” saturation=”” lightness=”” alpha=”” button_gradient_top_color=”#004c7d” button_gradient_bottom_color_hover=”” button_gradient_bottom_color=”#004c7d” gradient_start_position=”” gradient_end_position=”” gradient_type=”” radial_direction=”” linear_angle=”180″ accent_hover_color=”” accent_color=”var(–awb-color1)” type=”” bevel_color=”” bevel_color_hover=”” border_top=”” border_right=”” border_bottom=”” border_left=”” border_radius_top_left=”” border_radius_top_right=”” border_radius_bottom_right=”” border_radius_bottom_left=”” border_hover_color=”” border_color=”” size=”” padding_top=”” padding_right=”” padding_bottom=”” padding_left=”” fusion_font_family_button_font=”” fusion_font_variant_button_font=”” font_size=”” line_height=”” letter_spacing=”” text_transform=”” stretch=”default” margin_top=”” margin_right=”” margin_bottom=”” margin_left=”” icon=”” icon_position=”left” icon_divider=”no” hover_transition=”none” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_color=”” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=””]Read Article in Responsible Statecraft HERE[/fusion_button][/fusion_builder_column][/fusion_builder_row][/fusion_builder_container]

  • ACURA Exclusive: Are the Russians Coming? by Peter Kuznick and Ivana Nikolić Hughes

    ACURA Exclusive: Are the Russians Coming? by Peter Kuznick and Ivana Nikolić Hughes

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sticky_devices=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_offset=”” absolute=”off” absolute_top=”” absolute_right=”” absolute_bottom=”” absolute_left=”” filter_type=”regular” filter_hover_element=”self” filter_hue_hover=”0″ filter_saturation_hover=”100″ filter_brightness_hover=”100″ filter_contrast_hover=”100″ filter_invert_hover=”0″ filter_sepia_hover=”0″ filter_opacity_hover=”100″ filter_blur_hover=”0″ filter_hue=”0″ filter_saturation=”100″ filter_brightness=”100″ filter_contrast=”100″ filter_invert=”0″ filter_sepia=”0″ filter_opacity=”100″ filter_blur=”0″ transform_type=”regular” transform_hover_element=”self” transform_scale_x_hover=”1″ transform_scale_y_hover=”1″ transform_translate_x_hover=”0″ transform_translate_y_hover=”0″ transform_rotate_hover=”0″ transform_skew_x_hover=”0″ transform_skew_y_hover=”0″ transform_scale_x=”1″ transform_scale_y=”1″ transform_translate_x=”0″ transform_translate_y=”0″ transform_rotate=”0″ transform_skew_x=”0″ transform_skew_y=”0″ 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    The following article was authored by Peter Kuznick and Ivana Nikolić Hughes and published in American Committee for US-Russia Accord (ACURA) on January 15, 2026.

    [/fusion_text][fusion_text columns=”” column_min_width=”” column_spacing=”” rule_style=”” rule_size=”” rule_color=”” hue=”” saturation=”” lightness=”” alpha=”” user_select=”” content_alignment_medium=”” content_alignment_small=”” content_alignment=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_display=”normal,sticky” class=”” id=”” margin_top=”” margin_right=”” margin_bottom=”” margin_left=”” fusion_font_family_text_font=”” fusion_font_variant_text_font=”” font_size=”” line_height=”” letter_spacing=”” text_transform=”” text_color=”” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_color=”” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=”” logics=””]


    Are the Russians Coming?

    As the European leaders push for the Ukraine war to continue, they increasingly warn of an all-out war with Russia by the end of the decade, if not sooner.

    In 2018, historians Jeremy Kuzmarov and John Marciano wrote a book titled The Russians Are Coming, Again. The title was a play on the popular 1966 anti-Cold War movie The Russians Are Coming, The Russians Are Coming. If one listens to Europe’s leaders today, it quickly becomes clear the Russians are definitely coming again. Nearly four years into the Ukraine war and a year into the Trump Presidency, the conflict continues to take thousands of lives and decimate Ukraine. But unlike during the Biden era, it is the European leaders now that drive the push not only for this war to persist, but for a direct war with Russia by the end of the decade, if not sooner.

    As it has become increasingly evident that Ukraine’s battlefield position is steadily if incrementally worsening at the same time that its corruption scandal is dragging down President Zelensky and those around him, including the once-powerful Andrey Yermak, European political, military, and intelligence leaders have been discussing openly the imminence of war with Russia in an increasingly desperate, voluble, and shrill manner. The more Zelensky’s position weakens and the worse Ukraine’s battlefield prospects become, the more Zelensky and his European backers seem to dig in their heels, resisting concessions that would end the war, including territorial changes that Putin demands after nearly four years of fighting, limits to the size of Ukraine’s army, and a formula for security guarantees that does not include NATO membership for Ukraine nor troops from NATO countries.

    The Trump Administration’s newly released National Security Strategy (NSS) chastised the Europeans for being delusional regarding their “unrealistic expectations” when it comes to settling the nearly four-year-old war. But that hasn’t deterred them from seeking a peace plan that, unlike the original 28-point plan, promulgated by Stephen Witkoff and Jared Kushner after speaking with both Russians and Ukrainians, ignores Russia’s red lines in its Ukraine-friendly 20-point alternative. The NSS was so contemptuous of Europe, warning it faced “civilizational erasure” and political irrelevance, that European leaders attempted to prove their importance and resolve by rallying even more strongly around the Ukrainian cause. Recognizing that they could no longer count on the same level of U.S. military support that they had since the Cold War ended, the Europeans endeavored to find a way to rebuild their own defenses while assisting Ukraine. That promise amounts to keeping Ukraine in the fight at any financial or human cost, while frightening the European publics into ponying up whatever money is needed for rearmament. To justify cuts to the social programs that had enriched European life in recent decades, the leaders took a page from the old Cold War playbook, using the threat of Russian military aggression ⎯ a threat made credible by the Russian invasion of Ukraine ⎯ to convince peace-loving Europeans that the danger was palpable and the situation urgent.

    The persistent justification for continued war is the logic-defying claim that a Russian “victory” in Ukraine will bring bloodthirsty Russian hordes to Europe’s capitals. As Mark Rutte, the NATO Secretary General said on December 11, Europe is Russia’s next target and the war could begin by 2029. “Conflict is at our door,” he warned and Europeans need to prepare for a war reminiscent of World Wars I and II, “for the scale of war our grandparents or great-grandparents endured… a conflict reaching every home, every workplace, destruction, mass mobilization, millions displaced, widespread suffering and extreme losses.”

    From Blaise Metreweli, the new head of Britain’s MI6 intelligence agency who highlighted the “expansionist and revisionist Russia,” to France’s highest military official General Fabien Mandon who warned “of a major high-intensity war outside national territory in Europe, which would involve France and its allies, particularly European allies, by 2030,” to Germany’s Defense Minister Boris Pistorius’s demands that Germany become war-ready instead of “defense-ready” as early as 2028, the echoes of Rutte’s warnings have been loud, clear, and far too dangerous. Mandon went so far as to warn French governors that they had to be ready “to accept losing [our] children” in the coming war. Italian Admiral Giuseppe Cavo Dragone, NATO’s top military official as chair of NATO’s Military Committee, has even stated that “preemptive strikes could be considered defensive actions.”

    These pervasive threats have led the Wall Street Journal to report on December 15, “European security officials now regularly broadcast a message nearly unimaginable a decade ago: Get ready for conflict with Russia. Rarely a week goes by now without a European government, military or security chief making a grim speech warning the public that they are headed toward a potential war with Russia. It is a profound psychological shift for a continent that has rebuilt itself after two world wars by trumpeting a message of harmony and joint economic prosperity.”

    Europe’s elected officials have not been left far behind in fueling the war fever sweeping the continent. German Chancellor Fredrich Merz has compared Putin’s war in Ukraine to Adolf Hitler’s annexation of Czechoslovakia’s German-speaking Sudetenland in 1938, and the UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer has warned that “Putin’s aggression does not stop in Ukraine.” France’s Macron has also maintained that Russia has no intention of stopping in Ukraine. Russian aggression “knows no borders,” he warned in March in a nationally televised speech. He asked, “Who can believe today that Russia would stop at Ukraine?”

    It is striking that the three hawkish heads of state who form the backbone of the “coalition of the willing” and who are leading their citizens down the primrose path are deeply unpopular at home. While the numbers fluctuate, upon last reading, Macron’s approval rating was between 11 and 15 percent; Starmer’s at 19 percent; and Merz’s at 25 percent. Still, recent polling suggests that the scaremongering is having the intended effect. A poll released on December 4 showed that a slight majority of citizens in nine European countries believe that there is a “high” or “very high” risk of war with Russia, including 77 percent of Poles, 59 percent of Belgians and Dutch, and half of Germans, French, and Spanish. Only 34 percent of Italians agreed. Still, only a third of EU citizens told a Gallup poll in March 2024 that they would be willing to fight to defend their country, a number that bottomed out at 14 percent in Italy and stood at 23 percent in Germany.

    European leaders’ resolve was never more apparent than at the recent meetings in Berlin where the “coalition of the willing” came up with a menu of ways the Europeans could provide security guarantees for Ukraine, ranging from boots on the ground to financial aid to intelligence support. There, the Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk declared, “Now we have a simple choice — either money today or blood tomorrow. And I am not talking about Ukraine only, I am talking about Europe.” “All European leaders have to finally rise to this occasion.”

    Well Donald Tusk need not worry. All European leaders, with a couple of glaring exceptions, have risen to the occasion and are broadcasting the idea that Putin’s Russia is a mortal threat to Europe. They, along with their allies in the military, intelligence community, “defense” sector, and media have convinced more than half of Europe that Russia was knocking at the door, ready to invade. While the thought that a Russia that had taken four years and hundreds of thousands of casualties to conquer 20 percent of Ukraine would want to take on NATO—with or without U.S. nuclear backing—is a dangerous form of scaremongering and preposterous to many, intelligent people keep repeating this idea.

    Among those who think it absurd and has repeatedly said so is Vladimir Putin himself. President Putin dismissed such charges as “hysteria” by Europeans who had been “indoctrinated with fears about an inevitable clash with Russia.” “I have repeatedly stated: this is a lie, nonsense, pure nonsense about some imaginary Russian threat to European countries. But this is being done quite deliberately,” he said. Russian leaders have even offered to put this in writing.

    And yet, the mainstream media keep sticking to the script. A December 19 Reuters article stated that, “U.S. intelligence reports continue to warn that Russian President Vladimir Putin has not abandoned his aims of capturing all of Ukraine and reclaiming parts of Europe that belonged to the former Soviet empire, six sources familiar with U.S. intelligence said, even as negotiators seek an end to the war that would leave Russia with far less territory.”

    US Director of Intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, responded angrily to a post by one of the Reuters authors, reaffirming this conclusion. She wrote, “No, this is a lie and propaganda @Reuters is willingly pushing on behalf of warmongers who want to undermine President Trump’s tireless efforts to end this bloody war that has resulted in more than a million casualties on both sides. Dangerously, you are… fomenting hysteria and fear among the people to get them to support the escalation of war, which is what NATO and the EU really want in order to pull the United States military directly into war with Russia. The truth is the US intelligence community has briefed policymakers, including the Democrat HPSCI member quoted by Reuters, that US Intelligence assesses that Russia seeks to avoid a larger war with NATO. It also assesses that, as the last few years have shown, Russia’s battlefield performance indicates it does not currently have the capability to conquer and occupy all of Ukraine, let alone Europe.”

    It seems that according to the US intelligence chief, the Russians are NOT coming. Whether or not this assessment will reach the European halls of power remains to be seen.

    Peter Kuznick is Professor of History and Director of the Nuclear Studies Institute at American University.

    Ivana Nikolić Hughes is President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation and Senior Lecturer in the Discipline of Chemistry at Columbia University.

    [/fusion_text][fusion_button link=”https://usrussiaaccord.org/acura-exclusive-are-the-russians-coming-by-peter-kuznick-and-ivana-nikolic-hughes/” title=”” target=”_self” link_attributes=”” aria_role_button=”0″ alignment_medium=”” alignment_small=”” alignment=”center” modal=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_display=”normal,sticky” class=”” id=”” color=”custom” button_gradient_top_color_hover=”” hue=”” saturation=”” lightness=”” alpha=”” button_gradient_top_color=”#004c7d” button_gradient_bottom_color_hover=”” button_gradient_bottom_color=”#004c7d” gradient_start_position=”” gradient_end_position=”” gradient_type=”” radial_direction=”” linear_angle=”180″ accent_hover_color=”” accent_color=”var(–awb-color1)” type=”” bevel_color=”” bevel_color_hover=”” border_top=”” border_right=”” border_bottom=”” border_left=”” border_radius_top_left=”” border_radius_top_right=”” border_radius_bottom_right=”” border_radius_bottom_left=”” border_hover_color=”” border_color=”” size=”” padding_top=”” padding_right=”” padding_bottom=”” padding_left=”” fusion_font_family_button_font=”” fusion_font_variant_button_font=”” font_size=”” line_height=”” letter_spacing=”” text_transform=”” stretch=”default” margin_top=”” margin_right=”” margin_bottom=”” margin_left=”” icon=”” icon_position=”left” icon_divider=”no” hover_transition=”none” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_color=”” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=””]Read Article in ACURA HERE[/fusion_button][/fusion_builder_column][/fusion_builder_row][/fusion_builder_container]

  • TMS: A World in Chaos

    TMS: A World in Chaos

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background_image_medium=”” background_image_small=”” background_image=”” background_image_id_medium=”” background_image_id_small=”” background_image_id=”” lazy_load=”none” skip_lazy_load=”” background_position_medium=”” background_position_small=”” background_position=”left top” background_repeat_medium=”” background_repeat_small=”” background_repeat=”no-repeat” background_size_medium=”” background_size_small=”” background_size=”” background_custom_size=”” background_custom_size_medium=”” background_custom_size_small=”” background_blend_mode_medium=”” background_blend_mode_small=”” background_blend_mode=”none” background_slider_images=”” background_slider_position=”” background_slider_skip_lazy_loading=”no” background_slider_loop=”yes” background_slider_pause_on_hover=”no” background_slider_slideshow_speed=”5000″ background_slider_animation=”fade” background_slider_direction=”up” background_slider_animation_speed=”800″ background_slider_blend_mode=”” render_logics=”” sticky=”off” 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    The following article was authored by Dr. Ivana Nikolić Hughes and published in Transcend Media Service on December 22, 2025.

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    A World in Chaos

    Nuclear disarmament should be the first step in unraveling the chaos.

    Today, we find ourselves in a world in chaos. It is a world in which the globe is warming at an alarming pace, matched perhaps only by the rate of progress of AI, with the jury still out on even the qualitative sign of its contributions to society. It is a world in which the divisions between the haves and the not haves, within and across societies, echo with the vibes of the Gilded Age, while all other kinds of social disagreements keep the crowds busy arguing on social media and elsewhere. It is a world in which birth rates are collapsing across the developed world, leading to degradation of the family unit, an essential building block of thriving communities. And then there is the possibility of nuclear annihilation, lurking in the background, threatening at any moment to disrupt the life chain that has led to us being here following billions of years of evolution.

    Because I teach first year college students and my own children, ages 14, 20, and 24, are now either young adults or reaching that stage, I often think about the time that I was their age, which was in the 1990s. I came to the US as a foreign exchange student my senior year in high school in 1994. At the time, my own country of Yugoslavia was falling apart, so I knew and experienced chaos at the national level. But what we’re experiencing today is different because chaos seems to be the state of everything from family to local to national to international levels.

    It is precisely because so many things contribute to the chaos, that the existential threat of nuclear weapons and the need for nuclear disarmament is largely out of view, forgotten, ignored, or worse, justified. When it comes to this topic, things could not be more different today than they were in the 1990s. Of course, this was the end of the Cold War and in 1994, the year that I came to the United States, the Doomsday Clock by the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists stood at 17 minutes to midnight, the furthest it had ever been from midnight, with midnight denoting nuclear annihilation. Today, the clock is at 89 seconds to midnight, the closest it has ever been to human destruction of life on the planet via nuclear war and other anthropogenic means.

    Why does this matter when so much else seems to be going in the wrong direction? Below I outline three key points and argue that nuclear disarmament should in fact be the first step in unraveling the chaos.

    Currently, nine countries in the world possess 12,500 nuclear warheads, most of which are far more powerful than the bombs that were used in attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. They are US, Russia, UK, France, China, Israel, India, Pakistan, and North Korea. All of these states are involved in hot wars and conflicts like Ukraine or the Middle East, or in adversary tensions and potential conflicts. While there is of course danger that a nuclear weapon could be used deliberately, in times of such widespread conflicts and tensions, arguably a bigger worry may be that an accident or a miscalculation will lead to the use of nuclear weapon quite simply because a leader might believe their country is under attack or is about to be attacked. This could happen in the fog of war or due to a technical glitch alone. The risk of the use of a single nuclear weapon is both real and high.

    War games from Washington DC have shown repeatedly that the use of a single nuclear weapon under many different scenarios would lead to a full-blown nuclear war. It’s not just that most simulations suggest a spiral into a nuclear war, it’s that all of them do. Part of this is a result of long-standing policies such as launch-on-warning, but part of it is due to the time scales involved in such decisions, which are only getting shorter and shorter.

    Nuclear weapons are different from other weapons because they threaten to kill hundreds of millions of people in a matter of minutes, not days or hours. At the same time, nuclear war would alter the environmental conditions on the planet by destroying the ozone layer and altering the climate in the most dramatic way we refer to as nuclear winter. Nuclear winter and the resulting nuclear famine alone are estimated to result in the deaths of billions of people depending on the exact scenario of the nuclear war that takes place. This quite simply would be the end of the world as we know it. For this reason alone, nuclear weapons must be eliminated. In the words of John F. Kennedy, we must abolish nuclear weapons before they abolish us, as he stated in 1961 during his address to the United Nations General Assembly.

    There is more of course to the nuclear threat than the mere possibility of annihilation. There are the wasted resources in all of the nuclear armed states, but especially in the United States, which spends more on nuclear weapons than all of the other nuclear possessors combined. There are the people who have been harmed since the beginning of the nuclear age, from the victims and survivors of the atomic bombings in Japan to communities around the world who were subjected to the fallout, radiation, and displacement due to nuclear testing.

    But there is also the insidious way in which the notion that nuclear weapons keep us safe – and I posit that nothing could be further from the truth – undermines our ability to cooperate genuinely and to treat other countries as collaborators in addressing various threats to humanity and the planet and in creating a better world. What we are currently doing is basing the foundation of human security on threats of annihilation. Until such thinking is eradicated, resources are redirected for human needs inside the nations that possess nuclear weapons and beyond, and genuine cooperation is established at the international level, we will continue to not just be in a state of chaos, but to teeter on the brink of the ultimate destruction.

    _________________________________________

    This essay is adapted from a presentation at the webinar A World in Chaos: Collapse and/or Restructuring held on 16 Nov 2025.

    Ivana Nikolić Hughes, Ph.D. is president of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, a senior lecturer in Chemistry at Columbia University, and a member of the Scientific Advisory Group to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Her writing has appeared in TRANSCEND Media Service, The Hill, The Nation, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Scientific American, Truthout, Common Dreams, The Diplomat, and elsewhere. wagingpeace.org

    [/fusion_text][fusion_button link=”https://www.transcend.org/tms/2025/12/a-world-in-chaos/” title=”” target=”_self” link_attributes=”” aria_role_button=”0″ alignment_medium=”” alignment_small=”” alignment=”center” modal=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_display=”normal,sticky” class=”” id=”” color=”custom” button_gradient_top_color_hover=”” hue=”” saturation=”” lightness=”” alpha=”” button_gradient_top_color=”#004c7d” button_gradient_bottom_color_hover=”” button_gradient_bottom_color=”#004c7d” gradient_start_position=”” gradient_end_position=”” gradient_type=”” radial_direction=”” linear_angle=”180″ accent_hover_color=”” accent_color=”var(–awb-color1)” type=”” bevel_color=”” bevel_color_hover=”” border_top=”” border_right=”” border_bottom=”” border_left=”” border_radius_top_left=”” border_radius_top_right=”” border_radius_bottom_right=”” border_radius_bottom_left=”” border_hover_color=”” border_color=”” size=”” padding_top=”” padding_right=”” padding_bottom=”” padding_left=”” fusion_font_family_button_font=”” fusion_font_variant_button_font=”” font_size=”” line_height=”” letter_spacing=”” text_transform=”” stretch=”default” margin_top=”” margin_right=”” margin_bottom=”” margin_left=”” icon=”” icon_position=”left” icon_divider=”no” hover_transition=”none” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_color=”” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=””]Read Article in Transcend Media Service HERE[/fusion_button][/fusion_builder_column][/fusion_builder_row][/fusion_builder_container]

  • The Root Causes of Senseless Violence

    The Root Causes of Senseless Violence

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animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=”” logics=””]

    The following article was authored by Dr. Ivana Nikolić Hughes and published in Common Dreams on December 15, 2025.

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    The Root Causes of Senseless Violence

    A view from the front of a college classroom amid fresh carnage both near and far.

    I write this from the front of a Columbia classroom in which about 60 first-year college students are taking the final exam for Frontiers of Science. Yes, it’s a Sunday, but the class is required of all Columbia College students and so having the exam on the weekend ensures that there won’t be conflicts with the exams for other courses they are taking. The 60 students in my classroom are a fraction of the nearly 740 taking the course this semester.

    The exam began at 2 pm, less than 24 hours after the shooting at Brown University, and just hours after many of us learned about the shooting in Sydney, Australia. Given these devastating events, I offered this morning that anyone who was adversely affected could take the exam later in the week or take what at Columbia is called an incomplete, which means that they would take the final exam at the start of next semester and only then be assigned a grade. Only about two dozen students took this offer, some sharing personal stories about having close friends from childhood or high school among the victims at Brown. It makes sense that the high-achieving students that Columbia attracts would have high-achieving friends at Brown. Some also hail from Providence and have had impacted family members.

    It’s hard to process now, as my students are going through a 30-page exam (there are lots of figures and tables in it, plus spaces for them to add their answers, but yes, it’s a long exam) the senselessness of mass shootings in general, with the one in a classroom full of primarily first-year college students going through a Saturday afternoon final exam review for Principles of Economics weighing heavily as I sit here. Many of the students in Frontiers of Science also take a course here named Principles of Economics. The parallel is heartbreaking. I cannot imagine what I would have done had a shooter walked in on the review I held just a few days ago. I don’t think any of us can, except for those who have experienced mass shootings themselves. Sadly, it seems that at Brown there are two students with such prior experiences.

    As I look at my students, still busily working on the exam, and recall the joys I’ve experienced teaching them and getting to know them this semester, I feel that we owe them so much more than what’s on offer at the moment.

    As is typical in American society, there will be thoughts and prayers, and arguments about gun control and how we haven’t done enough to ensure that the incomprehensible violence does not happen again. I was in my final year of college when Columbine happened in 1999. I remember seeing the news in the townhouse near the Caltech campus that I shared with three housemates. We were devastated then. More than 25 years after Columbine, the feeling of devastation is sadly familiar, but also insidious.

    The fact that the second shooting of the weekend took place in Australia, a country with strict gun laws, complicates the debate somewhat, demonstrating that this is not just about gun control. Sure, more gun control in the US would help; after all, our rate of mass shootings per capita is far higher than in all of the other developed countries. But I think that the problem is far deeper than lack of gun control. The problem lies in having a state, a society, a world, in which violence is not only excused and sanctioned on a regular basis, but celebrated both as a matter of history, but also the present and the future.

    We salute our troops, flaunt our deadliest weapons as a matter of pride, justify wars in the name of democracy, and applaud leaders who may have committed war crimes and belong in courtrooms rather than in polite society. Journalist Glenn Greenwald recently made this last point when discussing why so many young people are buying what Nick Fuentes is selling and not what main in the mainstream media would want them to buy.

    It is a sick society that spends far more on the military than on diplomacy, education, its veterans, and infrastructure combined. In their recent book, The Trillion Dollar War Machine, William Hartung and Ben Freeman demonstrate not only that most of the defense budget ends up in the pockets of the arms manufacturers, but that the funds have also been allocated to projects that have put our troops in harm’s way. Our investment in the military is costly all around, while it elevates violence here and abroad as the ultimate arbiter of disputes and disagreements. The US President John F. Kennedy once said that we will have war as long as the conscientious objectors are treated as traitors, while people who kill during times of war are treated as heroes.

    The pinnacle of this sickness, is the possession of nuclear weapons, a constant threat to ourselves and our so-called adversaries, but also the rest of the world. The belief that nuclear weapons keep us safe runs deep through society, and elevates the risk of ultimate annihilation at any moment. Buried deep in this narrative is the justification of the atomic bombings as the tool that brought World War II to a close, while historical analysis demonstrates that Japan would have surrendered without its citizens being incinerated, blown apart, and sickened by the power unleashed from the atom. Justifying the murder of innocent civilians can only beget more violence in the long run, whether in Gaza, or at Brown, or at Bondi Beach.

    There are more forms of sanctioned violence, including torture of prisoners, the death penalty, and the killing of suspects at the hands of police. As it is now, these examples send a message that even beyond war, violence and death are the answer. As shocking and horrifying as it is, it is perhaps not surprising that there are individuals, many likely with mental illness, that take this message to heart and commit senseless violence themselves.

    As I look at my students, still busily working on the exam, and recall the joys I’ve experienced teaching them and getting to know them this semester, I feel that we owe them so much more than what’s on offer at the moment. Not only do they deserve not to be thinking of mass shootings while studying for their college exams, but they definitely deserve to inherit a world in which peace is sacrosanct and sanctioned violence is not the answer.

    [/fusion_text][fusion_button link=”https://www.commondreams.org/opinion/mass-shootings-sanctioned-violence” title=”” target=”_self” link_attributes=”” aria_role_button=”0″ alignment_medium=”” alignment_small=”” alignment=”center” modal=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_display=”normal,sticky” class=”” id=”” color=”custom” button_gradient_top_color_hover=”” hue=”” saturation=”” lightness=”” alpha=”” button_gradient_top_color=”#004c7d” button_gradient_bottom_color_hover=”” button_gradient_bottom_color=”#004c7d” gradient_start_position=”” gradient_end_position=”” gradient_type=”” radial_direction=”” linear_angle=”180″ accent_hover_color=”” accent_color=”var(–awb-color1)” type=”” bevel_color=”” bevel_color_hover=”” border_top=”” border_right=”” border_bottom=”” border_left=”” border_radius_top_left=”” border_radius_top_right=”” border_radius_bottom_right=”” border_radius_bottom_left=”” border_hover_color=”” border_color=”” size=”” padding_top=”” padding_right=”” padding_bottom=”” padding_left=”” fusion_font_family_button_font=”” fusion_font_variant_button_font=”” font_size=”” line_height=”” letter_spacing=”” text_transform=”” stretch=”default” margin_top=”” margin_right=”” margin_bottom=”” margin_left=”” icon=”” icon_position=”left” icon_divider=”no” hover_transition=”none” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_color=”” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=””]Read Article in Common Dreams HERE[/fusion_button][/fusion_builder_column][/fusion_builder_row][/fusion_builder_container]

  • Kiribati Statement at the 2025 NPT Preparatory Committee

    Kiribati Statement at the 2025 NPT Preparatory Committee

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user_select=”” content_alignment_medium=”” content_alignment_small=”” content_alignment=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_display=”normal,sticky” class=”” id=”” margin_top=”” margin_right=”” margin_bottom=”” margin_left=”” fusion_font_family_text_font=”” fusion_font_variant_text_font=”” font_size=”” line_height=”” letter_spacing=”” text_transform=”” text_color=”” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_color=”” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=”” logics=””]

    On May 2, 2025, Christian N. Ciobanu, Director of Policy and Advocacy at the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation and Adviser to the Permanent Mission of Kiribati, delivered a national statement during Cluster 1 at the 2025 Non-Proliferation Treaty Preparatory Committee (NPT PrepCom) at United Nations Headquarters in New York.

    [/fusion_text][fusion_text columns=”” column_min_width=”” column_spacing=”” rule_style=”” rule_size=”” rule_color=”” hue=”” saturation=”” lightness=”” alpha=”” user_select=”” content_alignment_medium=”” content_alignment_small=”” content_alignment=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_display=”normal,sticky” class=”” id=”” margin_top=”” margin_right=”” margin_bottom=”” margin_left=”” fusion_font_family_text_font=”” fusion_font_variant_text_font=”” font_size=”” line_height=”” letter_spacing=”” text_transform=”” text_color=”” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_color=”” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=”” logics=””]

    Kiribati Statement to the 11th Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference Preparatory Committee

    [/fusion_text][fusion_youtube id=”https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Avc5A1s4Jg” alignment=”center” width=”1920″ height=”1080″ start_time=”” end_time=”” autoplay=”false” mute=”false” loop=”false” controls=”true” api_params=”” title_attribute=”” video_facade=”” thumbnail_size=”auto” margin_top=”” margin_bottom=”” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” class=”” css_id=”” structured_data=”off” video_upload_date=”” video_duration=”” video_title=”” video_desc=”” /][fusion_text columns=”” column_min_width=”” column_spacing=”” rule_style=”” rule_size=”” rule_color=”” hue=”” saturation=”” lightness=”” alpha=”” user_select=”” content_alignment_medium=”” content_alignment_small=”” content_alignment=”left” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_display=”normal,sticky” class=”” id=”” margin_top=”20″ margin_right=”” margin_bottom=”” margin_left=”” fusion_font_family_text_font=”” fusion_font_variant_text_font=”” font_size=”” line_height=”” letter_spacing=”” text_transform=”” text_color=”” animation_type=”” animation_direction=”left” animation_color=”” animation_speed=”0.3″ animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=”” logics=””]

    Chair and Distinguished Representatives,

    Kiribati is concerned that the Nuclear Weapon States are still maintaining and upgrading their weapons both quantitatively and qualitatively in violation of their Article VI obligations. These states have ignored the decisions contained in the historic 1996 Advisory Opinion of the ICJ, including the court’s recognition that “there is an obligation to pursue in good faith and to conclude negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control.”

    The persistent collective decision by the NWS to ignore their Article VI obligation is placing serious constraints on the Treaty.

    In this regard, we would like to remind all States Parties about the 64-point action plan from the 2010 NPT Review Conference. In particular, we want to recall Action 5 and agree with other States Parties on the necessity for the Nuclear Weapon States to present national reports that address information on how they are dismantling their nuclear weapons and actions related to fulfilling their obligations to pursue negotiations in good faith. This should be an agenda item for the NPT Review Conference.

    Chair and Distinguished Representatives,

    We remain highly concerned that a certain NWS is preparing to resume nuclear tests.

    We remember that tests ravaged communities and divided families during the height of the Cold War, especially in the Pacific region.

    As a state that has suffered from immense humanitarian and environmental consequences of testing, we are calling for explicit references to the humanitarian consequences of both the use and testing of nuclear weapons in the outcome doc. The international community must reflect that it is also the 80th anniversary of the first nuclear test conducted at the Trinity Site in New Mexico.

    For us, it is clear that the use and testing of nuclear weapons violate the core principles of international humanitarian law.

    Chair and Distinguished Representatives,

    We believe the legacy of nuclear testing is not theoretical—it is a living reality for the survivors and their families.

    In this regard, we recall that the vast majority of States voted in favor of our resolution on addressing the legacy of nuclear weapons in the UN General Assembly. Thus, we contend that States Parties should request an agenda item on nuclear legacy issues, including victim assistance and environmental remediation, at the Review Conference and during the next review cycle.

    It is time for us to take action.

    Thank you.

    [/fusion_text][/fusion_builder_column][/fusion_builder_row][/fusion_builder_container]

  • NPT Side Event: Addressing the Legacy of Nuclear Weapons

    NPT Side Event: Addressing the Legacy of Nuclear Weapons

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    By Mohammed Alkurashi | Nuclear Age Peace Foundation and Reverse The Trend 

    On 1 May 2025, parallel to the Third Preparatory Committee for the 2026 NPT Review Conference, Fiji, Kazakhstan, and Kiribati in collaboration with the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation and its youth initiative, Reverse The Trend, organized a timely side event on the legacy of nuclear weapons. Speakers included Ambassador Teburoro Tito of Kiribati; Mr. Azamat Kairolda, Counsellor at the Permanent Mission of Kazakhstan; Dr. Ivana Hughes, President of Nuclear Age Peace Foundation; Ms. Véronique Christory, Senior Arms Adviser for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC); and Ms. Mary Dickson, author, activist, and nuclear test survivor. Together, they reflected on the long-lasting human and environmental impact of nuclear testing.

    Ambassador Tito focused his discussion on the permanent scars inflicted upon Pacific Islanders by nuclear testing. He highlighted the importance of scientific assessments to support accountability and justice for affected communities.

    Representing Kazakhstan, Kairolda noted that over 450 nuclear tests were conducted at the Semipalatinsk site. He underscored Kazakhstan’s responsible disarmament behavior in 1991 when it gave up nuclear missiles inherited from the Soviet Union and called for states to demand negative security assurances from nuclear-armed states in all relevant fora.

    Christory of the ICRC addressed the gendered and generational impacts of nuclear weapons, warning that a nuclear attack can take as little as fifteen minutes. She ended her statement advocating for broader research into the humanitarian and environmental consequences of nuclear testing. Dickson, a downwinder and cancer survivor, shared her powerful personal testimony. She condemned all forms of nuclear testing as unjust and harmful. She mentioned that true justice lies not in financial compensation alone but in the total prohibition of nuclear testing.

    Dickson was critical of the US for failing to offer meaningful legal protections to downwinders, referencing the expired Radiation Exposure Compensation Act (RECA) and the recent failure to expand it due to the current Speaker of the House Mike Johnson’s refusal to bring the bipartisan bill to a vote.

    Dr. Hughes of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation closed the panel with a scientific overview of radioactive isotopes’ long-term effects and ability to inflict transnational harm. She made a compelling case for total nuclear disarmament, highlighting the inter-generational and global effects of nuclear weapons.

    During the Q&A, Ambassador Dr. Malik Abid of the International Human Rights Commission opened the floor with his concerns of India and Pakistan potentially escalating over recent events. Dickson shared that legal protections for victims remain inadequate. Dr. Andries Bass raised a question on how disarmament could align with financing goals. Christian Ciobanu responded by noting the upcoming UN meeting on victim assistance and environmental remediation, expected to take place prior to the 2026 NPT Review Conference as the intended forum to address financial feasibility and alignment. Dr. Hughes added that states should reconsider the financial logic of funding weapons that they will supposedly never use.

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animation_delay=”0″ animation_offset=””]Learn about our other events at 2025 NPT PrepCom![/fusion_button][/fusion_builder_column][/fusion_builder_row][/fusion_builder_container]

  • 3MSP Event: Art Reception ‘From the Pacific to the Steppes: Solidarity, Reconciliation, and Nuclear Justice”‘

    3MSP Event: Art Reception ‘From the Pacific to the Steppes: Solidarity, Reconciliation, and Nuclear Justice”‘

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    On March 4, 2025, the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation (NAPF) and Reverse the Trend (RTT) hosted a special art reception entitled From the Pacific to the Steppes: Solidarity, Reconciliation, and Nuclear Justice at the Church Center in New York. This impactful event brought together speakers and advocates from various regions affected by nuclear testing to share their personal stories and efforts toward nuclear justice. Speakers included: Christian N. Ciobanu, the Policy and Advocacy Director of NAPF and RTT Project Coordinator; H.E. Ambassador Akan Rakhmetullin, Chair of the 3MSP and Deputy Minister of Kazakhstan; Karipbek Kuyukov, the honorary ambassador of the ATOM Project who also experienced the tragic impact of Soviet testing in Kazakhstan. Keita Takagaki, a youth representative of ICRC Japan; Setsuko Shimomoto, whose family was exposed to fallout; and Ereti Tekabwaia the Principal Officer of the Line and Phoneix Islands of Kiribati.

    H.E. Ambassador Akan Rakhmetullin of the 3MSP underscored the necessity for both affected communities and young people to collaborate with one another. Further, following his remarks, Karipbek Kuyukov of the ATOM Project, discussed how the tragic humanitarian and environmental impacts of Soviet nuclear testing caused him to become an outspoken advocate and artist. Moreover, Keita Takagaki, a youth representative of ICRC Japan, shared the testimonies of his great grandfathers who helped injured people in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Additionally, Setsuko Shimomoto shared the deeply personal story of her father, who was exposed to radiation from US nuclear testing in the Marshall Islands. As a result of being unknowingly exposed, Shimomoto’s family dedicated their lives to sharing the truth about the radiation exposure and supporting artists who expressed their views on the nuclear fallout. Finally, to end the event, Ereti Tekabwaia discussed the tragic impact of the 33 nuclear tests conducted in Kiritimati, her hometown, and the significance of utilizing the arts for young i-Kiribati youth to express themselves.

    The reception provided a powerful space for dialogue and reflection, drawing attention to the urgent need for nuclear justice and how art intersects with nuclear disarmament.

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filter_blur_hover=”0″]https://wagingpeace.davidmolinaojeda.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/3MSP_ArtReception_4-e1742595150756.jpg[/fusion_imageframe][/fusion_builder_column][fusion_builder_column type=”1_3″ layout=”1_3″ align_self=”auto” content_layout=”column” align_content=”flex-start” valign_content=”flex-start” content_wrap=”wrap” center_content=”no” column_tag=”div” target=”_self” hide_on_mobile=”small-visibility,medium-visibility,large-visibility” sticky_display=”normal,sticky” order_medium=”0″ order_small=”0″ hover_type=”none” border_style=”solid” box_shadow=”no” box_shadow_blur=”0″ box_shadow_spread=”0″ background_type=”single” gradient_start_position=”0″ gradient_end_position=”100″ gradient_type=”linear” radial_direction=”center center” linear_angle=”180″ lazy_load=”none” background_position=”left top” background_repeat=”no-repeat” background_blend_mode=”none” background_slider_skip_lazy_loading=”no” background_slider_loop=”yes” background_slider_pause_on_hover=”no” 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