Tag: nuclear disarmament

  • Kiribati and Kazakhstan’s UN Resolution on Nuclear Justice

    Kiribati and Kazakhstan’s UN Resolution on Nuclear Justice

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    The nuclear age began in 1945, with the United States developing three atomic bombs that year, using one in a nuclear test, called Trinity, in New Mexico, and two more in attacks on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Since that time, many other countries acquired nuclear weapons and currently, nine countries posess them across three continents. The nuclear weapons development programs all involved testing of both atomic and hydrogen bombs. Over 2000 nuclear tests took place around the world, causing devastating humanitarian consequences. Many of the affected communities have been left to fend for themselves in face of physical and mental health impacts, and loss of land, culture, and sustainable practices.

    Kiribati and Kazakhstan, two countries affected by Soviet and United Kingdom/United States nuclear testing programs, respectively, have been spearheading the fight for nuclear justice.  As part of the 78th United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), they have tabled a resolution entitled “Addressing the Legacy of Nuclear Weapons: Providing Victim Assistance and Environmental Remediation to Member States Affected by the Use or Testing of Nuclear Weapons.” The resolution seeks to utilize the framework of multilateral treaties to promote victim assistance and environmental assessment and remediation, requests support for affected states, and promotes public awareness and education around the International Day Against Nuclear Tests. It is currently under consideration by the First Committee of UNGA.

    The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation is proud to support the work of the Republics of Kazakhstan and Kiribati. Our Policy and Advocacy Coordinator, Christian N. Ciobanu, serves as the TPNW Advisor for the Mission of Kiribati and has been deeply involved in every step of this effort. We see the issue of supporting victims of nuclear use and testing as intimately connected to nuclear abolition itself. It is about righting the historical wrongs, but also making sure that such harm and suffering never happen again.

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    Read the text of the resolution HERE.

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  • 2019 Communications Intern

    2019 Communications Intern

    The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation is hiring a Communications Intern for Summer 2019.

    Interns will join our dedicated team of seven staff at our Santa Barbara headquarters to work on meaningful projects that advance our mission of educating, advocating, and inspiring action for a just and peaceful world, free of nuclear weapons.

    We don’t expect our interns to have detailed knowledge of the physics behind nuclear weapons, nor to have years of relevant work experience. What we are looking for are highly-motivated, enthusiastic individuals who are dedicated to our mission and who want to make a real, lasting difference in the world.

    Our Communications Intern will assist in the Foundation’s marketing, branding, and communications efforts. Reporting to Sandy Jones, NAPF Director of Communications, the intern will be adept at effective messaging across multiple platforms, and a creative thinker that will assist in tackling one of humanity’s most pressing existential threats.

    Projects will include:

    • Monitoring and analyzing NAPF’s social media presence on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram;
    • Managing the Foundation’s use of Google AdWords;
    • Participating in different styles of communications, including email, video, in-person, and more;
    • Contributing research, writing, and other content to special campaigns, such as Women Waging Peace.

    Skills/Qualifications:

    • Strong writer, not just in the academic sense, but also in the human sense;
    • A thorough researcher;
    • Social media savvy;
    • Self-motivated to run with a project, taking something from start to finish;
    • A strategic thinker, from a broad, bird’s eye view to down in the weeds.

    For more details on our internship program and for application instructions, visit our Paid Internships page.

    You can also view the position descriptions for our other summer internships:

    Fundraising/Development Intern

    Research/Writing Intern

    Peace Literacy Intern

  • 2019 Research and Writing Intern

    2019 Research and Writing Intern

    The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation is hiring a Research and Writing Intern for Summer 2019.

    Interns will join our dedicated team of seven staff at our Santa Barbara headquarters to work on meaningful projects that advance our mission of educating, advocating, and inspiring action for a just and peaceful world, free of nuclear weapons.

    We don’t expect our interns to have detailed knowledge of the physics behind nuclear weapons, nor to have years of relevant work experience. What we are looking for are highly-motivated, enthusiastic individuals who are dedicated to our mission and who want to make a real, lasting difference in the world.

    Our Research & Writing Intern will assist NAPF staff members – primarily President David Krieger and Deputy Director Rick Wayman – in research and writing on key issues related to nuclear weapons and nuclear disarmament. The Research & Writing Intern will also be encouraged to pursue self-directed projects that contribute to the Foundation’s goals.

    Projects will include:

    • Writing articles for the Sunflower Newsletter;
    • Writing articles for wagingpeace,org and other publications;
    • Monitor relevant policy, current events, and legislative developments;
    • Updating the content on nuclearfiles.org;
    • Reviewing new articles and books.

    Skills/Qualifications:

    • Exemplary analytical and writing skills;
    • Understanding of international law and international disarmament processes;
    • Ability to meet deadlines;
    • Self-directed and highly motivated.

    For more details on our internship program and for application instructions, visit our Paid Internships page.

    You can also view the position descriptions for our other summer internships:

    Fundraising/Development Intern

    Communications Intern

    Peace Literacy Intern

  • Reviving the Nuclear Disarmament Movement: A Practical Proposal

    Reviving the Nuclear Disarmament Movement: A Practical Proposal

    In late November 2018, Noam Chomsky, the world-renowned public intellectual, remarked that “humanity faces two imminent existential threats:  environmental catastrophe and nuclear war.” 

    Curiously, although a widespread environmental movement has developed to save the planet from accelerating climate change, no counterpart has emerged to take on the rising danger of nuclear disaster.  Indeed, this danger―exemplified by the collapse of arms control and disarmament agreements, vast nuclear “modernization” programs by the United States and other nuclear powers, and reckless threats of nuclear war―has stirred remarkably little public protest within the United States and even less public debate during the recent U.S. midterm elections.

    Of course, there are U.S. peace and disarmament organizations that challenge the nuclear menace.  But they are fairly small and pursue their own, separate antinuclear campaigns.  Such campaigns―ranging from cutting funding for a new nuclear weapon, to opposing the Trump administration’s destruction of yet another disarmament treaty, to condemning its threats of nuclear war―are certainly praiseworthy.  But they have not galvanized a massive public uprising within the United States against the overarching danger of nuclear annihilation. 

    In these circumstances, what is missing is a strategy that will rouse the general public from its torpor and shift the agenda of the nuclear powers from nuclear confrontation to a nuclear weapons-free world.

    The Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign, launched decades ago in another time of nuclear crisis, suggests one possible strategy.  Developed at the end of the 1970s by defense analyst Randy Forsberg, the Freeze (as it became known) focused on a simple, straightforward goal:  a Soviet-American agreement to stop the testing, production, and deployment of nuclear weapons.  As Forsberg predicted, this proposal to halt the nuclear arms race had great popular appeal (with polls showing U.S. public support at 72 percent) and sparked an enormous grassroots campaign.  The Reagan administration, horrified by this resistance to its plans for a nuclear buildup and victory in a nuclear war, fought ferociously against it.  But to no avail.  The Freeze triumphed in virtually every state and local referendum on the ballot, captured the official support of the Democratic Party, and sailed through the House of Representatives by an overwhelming majority.  Although the Reaganites managed to derail it in the Senate, the administration was on the defensive and, soon, on the run.  Joined by massive antinuclear campaigns in Europe, Asia, and other parts of the world, the Freeze campaign forced a reversal of administration priorities and policies, leading to previously unthinkable Soviet-American nuclear disarmament treaties and an end to the Cold War.

    How might a comparable strategy be implemented today?

    The campaign goal might be a halt to the nuclear arms race, exemplified by an agreement among the nuclear powers to scrap their ambitious nuclear “modernization” plans.  Although the Trump administration would undoubtedly rail against this policy, the vast majority of Americans would find it thoroughly acceptable.  An alternative, more ambitious goal―one that would probably also elicit widespread public approval―would be the ratification by the nuclear powers of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.  This UN-brokered treaty, signed in July 2017 by the vast majority of the world’s nations and scorned by the governments of the United States and other nuclear-armed countries, prohibits nations from developing, testing, producing, acquiring, possessing, stockpiling, using, or threatening to use nuclear weapons.

    The second stage of a current campaign strategy, as it was in the strategy of the Freeze, is to get as many peace groups as possible to endorse the campaign and put their human and financial resources behind it.  Working together in a joint effort seems feasible today.  Some of the largest of the current organizations―such as the American Friends Service Committee, the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, Peace Action, Physicians for Social Responsibility, and Veterans for Peace―are already thoroughly committed to building a nuclear weapons-free world.

    The third stage of an effective strategy is winning the battle for public opinion.  In the case of the Freeze, this entailed not only distributing crucial information to members of the general public, but introducing Freeze resolutions at local gatherings or national conventions of religious denominations, unions, professional associations, and the vast panoply of voluntary organizations, where they almost invariably passed. 

    A final stage involves turning the objective into government policy.  The Freeze campaign found that many politicians were quite willing to adopt its program.  Similarly, at present, some key Democrats, including the chair of the incoming House Armed Services Committee and likely Democratic presidential candidates, are already attacking the Trump administration’s nuclear “modernization” program, its withdrawal from disarmament treaties, and its eagerness to launch a nuclear war.  Consequently, if a major public campaign gets rolling, substantial changes in public policy are within reach.

    To be fully effective, such a campaign requires international solidarity—not only to bring domestic pressure to bear on diverse nations, but overseas pressure as well.  The Freeze movement worked closely with nuclear disarmament movements around the world, and this international alliance produced striking results in both East and West.  Today, a new international alliance, enhanced by the current strong dissatisfaction of non-nuclear nations with the escalation of the nuclear arms race and the related dangers of nuclear war, could help foster significant changes in public policy.

    Of course, this proposal suggests only one of numerous possible ways to develop a broad nuclear disarmament campaign.  But there should be little doubt about the necessity for organizing that public mobilization.  The alternative is allowing the world to continue its slide toward nuclear catastrophe.

    [This is a revised version of an article published by Foreign Policy in Focus on December 7, 2018.]


    Lawrence Wittner (http://www.lawrenceswittner.com) is Professor of History Emeritus at SUNY/Albany and the author of Confronting the Bomb (Stanford University Press).

  • Sunflower Newsletter: November 2018

    Sunflower Newsletter: November 2018

    Perspectives

    • Hacking Nuclear Weapons Is a Global Threat by David Krieger
    • California Is Complicit in the Buildup of Nuclear Weapons by Beatrice Fihn
    • A New Nuclear Arms Race Has Begun by Mikhail Gorbachev

    U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy

    • U.S. to Resume Prosecuting Protestors at Nevada Test Site

    Nuclear Disarmament

    • Ireland Played Key Role in Non-Proliferation Treaty and Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons
    • 122 Nations Reiterate Support for Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons

    War and Peace

    • North and South Korea Move to De-Escalate Border Tensions

    Nuclear Insanity

    • Trump Says U.S. Will Build Up Nuclear Arsenal
    • Pence Leaves Open Possibility of Nuclear Weapons in Space
    • P5 Nations Unite to Maintain Their Nuclear Weapons

    Resources

    • Nuclear Weapons Ban Monitor
    • Foreign Affairs Issue on Nuclear Weapons

    Foundation Activities

    • Evening for Peace Honors Beatrice Fihn and ICAN
    • Women Waging Peace
    • Ugandan Rotary Peace Fellow Training in Peace Literacy at NAPF

    Take Action

    • Stop a New “Low-Yield” Nuclear Weapon

    Quotes

    Perspectives

    Hacking Nuclear Weapons Is a Global Threat

    There are many ways a nuclear attack could be initiated. These include the four “m’s” of malice, madness, mistake and miscalculation. Of these ways of initiating a nuclear attack, only malice could possibly be inhibited by nuclear deterrence (fear of nuclear retaliation).

    A new, and possibly even greater, concern is coming over the horizon. That concern, related to cyberattacks on an enemy’s nuclear systems, could be labelled as “manipulation.” It is emerging due to the growing sophistication of hackers penetrating cyber-security walls in general. It would be disastrous if hackers were able to penetrate the walls protecting nuclear arsenals.

    To read the full article in The Hill, click here.

    California Is Complicit in the Buildup of Nuclear Weapons

    A new nuclear arms race is underway, with California at the center, though it’s not clear its citizens realize it.

    The new nuclear arms race is bringing in a flood of cash to laboratories run by the University of California, where scientists, engineers and technicians have had a hand in designing every single nuclear weapon the U.S. has ever built. And yet the state Legislature and the Los Angeles City Council have resolved that America should support the U.N.’s 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. California is complicit in the arms race, and if nuclear weapons were ever launched, it would be one of the prime attack targets. Its citizens need to speak up to safeguard their future and end the state’s participation in the weapons industry.

    To read the full article in the Los Angeles Times, click here.

    A New Nuclear Arms Race Has Begun

    A new arms race has been announced. The INF Treaty is not the first victim of the militarization of world affairs. In 2002, the United States withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty; this year, from the Iran nuclear deal. Military expenditures have soared to astronomical levels and keep rising.

    Is it too late to return to dialogue and negotiations? I don’t want to lose hope. I hope that Russia will take a firm but balanced stand. I hope that America’s allies will, upon sober reflection, refuse to be launchpads for new American missiles. I hope the United Nations, and particularly members of its Security Council, vested by the United Nations Charter with primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, will take responsible action.

    Faced with this dire threat to peace, we are not helpless. We must not resign, we must not surrender.

    To read the full article in The New York Times, click here.

    U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy

    U.S. to Resume Prosecuting Protestors at Nevada Test Site

    For the first time since 1987, the U.S. government will prosecute a protestor for trespassing at the Nevada National Security Site, formerly known as the Nevada Test Site. The U.S. seized a vast area of land from the Western Shoshone after World War II and used it to test over 1,000 nuclear bombs between 1951 and 1992.

    In 1987, facing hundreds of potential prosecutions for protests at the test site, the District Attorney announced that Nye County would continue to issue citations for crossing the line onto the test site, but would not prosecute those cases.

    On October 8, Marc Page-Collogne, along with two others, crossed the line onto the test site. Page-Collogne was taken to jail and was subsequently released pending trial on December 3.

    Jack Cohen-Joppa, “After Three Decades, Trespass Prosecutions Resume at Nevada Nuclear Test Site,” The Nuclear Resister, October 29, 2018.

    Nuclear Disarmament

    Ireland Played Key Role in Non-Proliferation Treaty and Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons

    Newly declassified documents show Ireland’s important role in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons in the 1960s. The documents detail the strong opposition of U.S. diplomats to the efforts of Frank Aiken, Ireland’s Minister of External Affairs, to negotiate what would become the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). The NPT is now nearly universally viewed as an indispensable tool to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons.

    U.S. diplomats have also strongly opposed the efforts of Ireland and other like-minded nations that have led the effort to achieve the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Ray Acheson, Director of Reaching Critical Will, highlighted that the declassified documents show “how relentless pursuit of a principled approach to nuclear disarmament, as from Ireland and others, is how change gets made.”

    Cormac McQuinn, “How Ireland Helped Avoid Nuclear War,” The Irish Independent, October 31, 2018.

    122 Nations Reiterate Support for Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons

    At the First Committee of the United Nations General Assembly, 122 nations voted in favor of a resolution that welcomes last year’s adoption of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW).

    North Korea abstained from the vote, while the other eight nuclear-armed nations (United States, Russia, United Kingdom, France, China, Israel, India, and Pakistan) voted against it. Joining the nuclear-armed nations in opposing the resolution were numerous nations that rely on U.S. or NATO nuclear weapons, including Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Turkey, Australia, and Canada.

    War and Peace

    North and South Korea Move to De-Escalate Border Tensions

    North and South Korea agreed to work together to de-escalate potential border tensions by implementing a no-fly zone and a ban on military drills near the border.

    The measures, which went into effect on November 1, were agreed to at the inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang in September.

    Hyonhee Shin, “No-Fly Zone, Military Drill Ban Near Korea Border Take Effect,” Reuters, October 31, 2018.

    Nuclear Insanity

    Trump Says U.S. Will Build Up Nuclear Arsenal

    After announcing that the U.S. will unilaterally withdraw from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty, President Trump stated that he plans on building up the U.S. nuclear arsenal even more as a “threat” to China, Russia, and “anybody else that wants to play that game.”

    Trump said that the U.S. would continue this behavior “until people come to their senses.”

    Donald Trump: US Will Build Up Nuclear Arsenal,” BBC News, October 22, 2018.

    Pence Leaves Open Possibility of Nuclear Weapons in Space

    U.S. Vice President Mike Pence refused to rule out placing nuclear weapons in space, despite a 50-year-old treaty prohibiting such actions. The 1967 Outer Space Treaty outlawed weapons of mass destruction in space.

    Pence said, “What we need to do is make sure that we provide for the common defense of the people of the United States of America, and that’s the president’s determination here.” He continued, “What we want to do is continue to advance the principle that peace comes through strength.”

    Robert Costa, “Pence Leaves Open the Possibility of Nuclear Weapons in Space,” Washington Post, October 23, 2018.

    P5 Nations Unite to Maintain Their Nuclear Weapons

    The five permanent members of the UN Security Council (P5) – United
    States, Russia, United Kingdom, France, and China – issued a joint
    statement at the UN General Assembly’s First Committee. The five
    nuclear-armed nations opened the statement by claiming a commitment to
    the Non-Proliferation Treaty, which has been in effect for nearly 50
    years.

    The P5 devotes multiple paragraphs to criticizing the
    Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), which was adopted
    last year at the UN by 122 nations. The P5 wrote, “We will not support,
    sign or ratify this Treaty. The TPNW will not be
    binding on our countries, and we do not accept any claim that it
    contributes to the development of customary international law; nor does
    it set any new standards or norms. We call on all countries that are
    considering supporting the TPNW to reflect seriously on its implications
    for international peace and security.”

    The TPNW prohibits the use, threat of use, production, and deployment of nuclear weapons.

    P5 Joint Statement on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons,” Gov.uk, October 24, 2018.

    Resources

    Nuclear Weapons Ban Monitor

    On October 29, Norwegian People’s Aid and the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons launched the Nuclear Weapons Ban Monitor, the first report of a newly established watchdog for the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW).

    The Nuclear Weapons Ban Monitor measures progress related to signature, adherence, entry into force, and universalization of the TPNW. It also evaluates the extent to which the policies and practices of all states comply with the core obligations in the Treaty. The term compliance is used in a broad sense, to refer to the compatibility of each state’s behavior with the prohibitions of the TPNW, regardless of whether the state in question has adhered to the Treaty or not. A key purpose of the report is to highlight specific activities that will need to be discontinued if the international community is to achieve its goal of creating a world without nuclear weapons.

    To read the first issue of the Nuclear Weapons Ban Monitor, click here.

    Foreign Affairs Issue on Nuclear Weapons

    The magazine Foreign Affairs published numerous articles on nuclear weapons in its latest edition. Titles include: “Do Nuclear Weapons Matter?”; “If You Want Peace, Prepare for Nuclear War”; and “What Is Russia’s Nuclear Stockpile Really For?”

    The articles can be accessed on the Foreign Affairs website.

    Foundation Activities

    Evening for Peace Honors Beatrice Fihn and ICAN

    On October 21, the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation presented Beatrice Fihn and the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons with the Foundation’s Distinguished Peace Leadership Award. Over 200 people, including 50 students, attended the event.

    To see photos of the event and to download an audio version of Beatrice Fihn’s acceptance speech, click here.

    Women Waging Peace

    The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation’s online campaign Women Waging Peace highlights the outstanding work of women for peace and nuclear disarmament. Though progress is made every day, women’s voices are still often ignored, their efforts stonewalled and their wisdom overlooked regarding issues of peace and security, national defense, and nuclear disarmament.

    Our third profile features Makoma Lekalakalai, a South African activist who spearheaded a women-led effort to challenge government corruption and nuclear energy policy.

    Click here to read our interview with Makoma Lekalakalai.

    Ugandan Rotary Peace Fellow Training in Peace Literacy at NAPF

    In March 2014, Paul K. Chappell, Peace Literacy Director of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, gave a four-day workshop on Peace Leadership in Gulu, Uganda. One of the participants was Emily Nabakooza, who was working in peace and development programs at both the strategic and operational levels, with a focus on peace initiatives and youth.

    Several years later she applied to become a Rotary Peace Fellow, winning a place at the Rotary Peace Center at the University of Queensland in Brisbane, Australia. For her applied field experience for Fall 2018, Emily Nabakooza has chosen to work with NAPF to practice her learning in peacebuilding and to be trained in Peace Literacy.

    Emily Nabakooza brings more than seventeen years of practical experience in global peace and development. To get to know her better, we’ve asked her a few questions about her background, her goals, and her interest in Peace Literacy.

    To read more, click here.

    Take Action

    Stop a New “Low-Yield” Nuclear Weapon

    A new bill in the U.S. House of Representatives, H.R. 6840, seeks to stop the U.S. from developing a dangerous and destabilizing new low-yield nuclear warhead to be carried on U.S. submarine-launched ballistic missiles.

    The “Hold the Low-Yield Nuclear Explosive (Hold the LYNE) Act” was introduced by Rep. Ted Lieu and already has a number of co-sponsors. A new “low-yield” nuclear weapon risks dangerously lowering the threshold for nuclear use by adding emphasis on low-yield options and increases the risk of miscalculation in a crisis.

    Click here to ask your representative to co-sponsor this important new bill.

    Quotes

     

    “The love of country is a splendid thing. But why should love stop at the border?”

    Pablo Casals, Catalan cellist and conductor. This quote appears in the book Speaking of Peace: Quotations to Inspire Action, which is available to purchase in the NAPF Peace Store.

     

    “What are we doing to change the human condition that is at the core of global instability and needless conflict? War is neither a human condition nor imperative. We can change things. We can end war and turn weapons into ploughshares. Let us start with the man and the woman in the mirror!”

    H.E. Mr. Lazarous Kapambwe, Ambassador and Permanent Representative of the Republic of Zambia to the United Nations, speaking at the United Nations.

     

    “I actually think the chance of a terrible miscalculation involving nuclear weapons is greater today than 10 or 20 years ago, and possibly even worse than during the height of the Cold War.”

    Sam Nunn, former U.S. senator and co-chair of the Nuclear Threat Initiative.

    Editorial Team

     

    David Krieger
    Louisa Kwon
    Carol Warner
    Rick Wayman

  • California Leads the Way in Support of Nuclear Disarmament

    California Leads the Way in Support of Nuclear Disarmament

    For Immediate Release
    Contact: Sandy Jones: (805) 965-3443; sjones@napf.org

    CALIFORNIA LEADS THE WAY IN SUPPORT OF NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT

    State Legislature Passes Pro-Nuclear Disarmament Resolution

    Sacramento–Assembly Joint Resolution 33 (AJR 33), introduced by Santa Barbara’s State Assembly member, Monique Limón, passed in the state Senate today by a vote of 25 to 10. This marks a huge step forward in California’s support of nuclear disarmament and puts the state at the forefront of this critical issue.

    The resolution calls on federal leaders and our nation to embrace the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, make nuclear disarmament the centerpiece of our national security policy, and spearhead a global effort to prevent nuclear war. (More on the Treaty here.)

    Rick Wayman, Deputy Director of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, a non-partisan, non-profit organization headquartered in Santa Barbara whose mission is to create a peaceful world, free of nuclear weapons, was asked by Limón to testify in support of the Resolution.

    Wayman spoke in front of the California State Assembly in Sacramento on August 14, saying, in part, “This resolution lays out some of the catastrophic humanitarian consequences that could occur should nuclear weapons be used again. I have worked closely with people around the world deeply impacted by nuclear weapons development, testing, and use. Every one of them tells me the same thing: we must put an end to nuclear weapons so that no one ever suffers this same fate.”

    Wayman continued, “California, followed by the entire United States, must get on the right side of history. But more importantly, we must do everything in our power to eliminate nuclear weapons before they eliminate us.” (Read Wayman’s remarks here.)

    Currently, the U.S. government has a $717 billion military budget and a plan to spend $1.7 trillion on nuclear weapons over the next 30 years. That’s why it’s so important for California and other states (and cities) around the country to speak out. Imagine what could be done to make the world a better place by diverting even part of that money to productive, not destructive purposes.

    #          #          #

    If you would like to interview Rick Wayman, NAPF’s Deputy Director, please call the Foundation at (805) 965-3443 or (805) 696-5159;  A photo of Wayman at the State Capitol is below.

    The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation’s mission is to educate and advocate for peace and a world free of nuclear weapons and to empower peace leaders. Founded in 1982, the Foundation is comprised of individuals and organizations worldwide who realize the imperative for peace in the Nuclear Age. The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation is a non-partisan, non-profit organization with consultative status to the United Nations. For more information, visit wagingpeace.org.

     

     

     

     

  • Open Letter to President Obama

    April 16, 2014

    Dear President Obama,

    During the closing session of the Nuclear Security Summit in The Hague on March 25, 2014, you cited a number of concrete measures to secure highly-enriched uranium and plutonium and strengthen the nuclear nonproliferation regime that have been implemented as a result of the three Nuclear Security Summits, concluding: “So what’s been valuable about this summit is that it has not just been talk, it’s been action.”

    Would that you would apply the same standard to nuclear disarmament! On April 5, 2009 in Prague, you gave millions of people around the world new hope when you declared: “So today, I state clearly and with conviction America’s commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons.” Bolstered by that hope, over the past three years, there has been a new round of nuclear disarmament initiatives by governments not possessing nuclear weapons, both within and outside the United Nations. Yet the United States has been notably “missing in action” at best, and dismissive or obstructive at worst. This conflict may come to a head at the 2015 Review of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT).

    We write now, on the eve of the third Preparatory Committee (PrepCom) meeting for the 2015 Review Conference of the NPT, which will take place at UN headquarters in New York April 28 – May 9, 2014, to underscore our plea that your administration shed its negative attitude and participate constructively in deliberations and negotiations regarding the creation of a multilateral process to achieve a nuclear weapons free world.  This will require reversal of the dismal U.S. record.

     

    • The 2010 NPT Review Conference unanimously agreed to hold a conference in 2012, to be attended by all states in the region, on a Middle East Zone Free of Nuclear and other Weapons of Mass Destruction. The U.S. was a designated convener, and a date was set for December 2012 in Helsinki. The Finnish ambassador worked feverishly, meeting individually with all of the countries in the region to facilitate the conference. Suddenly, on November 23, 2012, the U.S. State Department announced that the Helsinki conference was postponed indefinitely.
    • In March 2013, Norway hosted an intergovernmental conference in Oslo on the Humanitarian Impacts of Nuclear Weapons, with 127 governments in attendance. Mexico hosted a follow-on conference in Nayarit, Mexico in February 2014, with 146 governments present. The U.S. boycotted Oslo and Nayarit. Austria has announced that it will host a third conference, in Vienna, late this year.
    • In November 2012, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) established an “Open-Ended” working group open to all member states “to develop proposals to take forward multilateral nuclear disarmament negotiations for the achievement and maintenance of a world without nuclear weapons,” and scheduled for September 26, 2013, the first-ever High-Level meeting of the UNGA devoted to nuclear disarmament. The U.S. voted against both resolutions and refused to participate in the Open-Ended working group, declaring in advance that it would disregard any outcomes.
    • The U.S. did send a representative to the UN “High-Level” meeting, but it was the Deputy Secretary for Arms Control, Verification and Compliance, rather than the President, Vice-President or Secretary of State. Worse, the U.S. joined with France and the U.K. in a profoundly negative statement, delivered by a junior British diplomat: “While we are encouraged by the increased energy and enthusiasm around the nuclear disarmament debate, we regret that this energy is being directed toward initiatives such as this High-Level Meeting, the humanitarian consequences campaign, the Open-Ended Working Group and the push for a Nuclear Weapons Convention.”
    • In contrast, Dr. Hassan Rouhani, the new President of Iran, used the occasion of the High-Level Meeting to roll out a disarmament “roadmap” on behalf of the 120 member Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). The roadmap calls for: “early commencement of negotiations, in the Conference on Disarmament, on a comprehensive convention on nuclear weapons for the prohibition of their possession, development, production, acquisition, testing, stockpiling, transfer, use or threat of use, and for their destruction; designation of 26 September every year as an international day to renew our resolve to completely eliminate nuclear weapons;” and “convening a High-level International Conference on Nuclear Disarmament in five years to review progress in this regard.” The NAM roadmap was subsequently adopted by the UNGA with 129 votes in favor. The U.S voted no.

    Meanwhile, your Administration’s FY 2015 budget request seeks a 7% increase for nuclear weapons research and production programs under the Department of Energy’s semi-autonomous National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA). NNSA’s “Total Weapons Activities” are slated to rise to $8.2 billion in FY 2015 and to $9.7 billion by 2019, 24% above fiscal year 2014. Your Administration is also proposing a $56 billion Opportunity Growth and Security Initiative (OGSI) to be funded through tax changes and spending reforms. OGSI is to be split evenly between defense and non-defense spending, out of which $504 million will go to NNSA nuclear weapons programs “to accelerate modernization and maintenance of nuclear facilities.” With that, your FY 2015 budget request for maintenance and modernization of nuclear bombs and warheads in constant dollars exceeds the amount spent in 1985 for comparable work at the height of President Reagan’s surge in nuclear weapons spending, which was also the highest point of Cold War spending.

    We are particularly alarmed that your FY 2015 budget request includes $634 million (up 20%) for the B61 Life Extension Program, which, in contravention of your 2010 Nuclear Posture Review, as confirmed by former U.S. Air Force Chief of Staff, General Norton Schwartz, will have improved military capabilities to attack targets with greater accuracy and less radioactive fallout.

    This enormous commitment to modernizing nuclear bombs and warheads and the laboratories and factories to support those activities does not include even larger amounts of funding for planned replacements of delivery systems – the bombers, missiles and submarines that form the strategic triad, which are funded through the Department of Defense.  In total, according to the General Accounting Office, the U.S. will spend more than $700 billion over the next 30 years to maintain and modernize nuclear weapons systems. The James Martin Center places the number at an astounding one trillion dollars. This money is desperately needed to address basic human needs – housing, food security, education, healthcare, public safety, education and environmental protection – here and abroad.

    The Good Faith Challenge

    This our third letter to you calling on the U.S. government to participate constructively and in good faith in all international disarmament forums. On June 6, 2013, we wrote: “The Nuclear Security Summit process you initiated has been a success. However, securing nuclear materials, while significant, falls well short of what civil society expected following your Prague speech.”  In that letter, we urged you to you speak at the September 26, 2013 High-Level Meeting on Nuclear Disarmament at the United Nations; to endorse UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s Five-Point Proposal on Nuclear Disarmament; to announce your convening of a series of Nuclear Disarmament Summits; to support extending the General Assembly’s Open-Ended Working Group to develop proposals to take forward multilateral nuclear disarmament negotiations for the achievement and maintenance of a world without nuclear weapons; and to announce that the U.S. would participate in the follow-on conference on the humanitarian impacts of nuclear weapons in Mexico in early 2014.

    In our second letter, dated January 29, 2014, we urged that you direct the State Department to send a delegation to the Mexico conference and to participate constructively; and that your administration shed its negative attitude and participate constructively in deliberations and negotiations regarding the creation of a multilateral process to achieve a nuclear weapons free world. And we called on the United States to engage in good faith in efforts to make the Conference on Disarmament productive in pursuing the objective for which it was established more than three decades ago: complete nuclear disarmament; and to work hard to convene soon the conference on a zone free of WMD in the Middle East promised by the 2010 NPT Review Conference.

    Since our last letter, the U.S. – Russian relationship has deteriorated precipitously, with the standoff over the Crimea opening the real possibility of a new era of confrontation between nuclear-armed powers. The current crisis will further complicate prospects for future arms reduction negotiations with Russia, already severely stressed by more than two decades of post-Cold War NATO expansion, deployment of U.S. missile defenses, U.S. nuclear weapons modernization and pursuit of prompt conventional global strike capability.

    Keeping Our Side of the NPT Bargain

    Article VI of the NPT, which entered into force in 1970, and is the supreme law of the land pursuant to Article VI of the U.S. Constitution, states: “Each of the Parties to the Treaty undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament, and on a treaty on general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control.”

    In 1996, the International Court of Justice, the judicial branch of the United Nations and the highest and most authoritative court in the world on questions of international law, unanimously concluded: “There exists an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control.”

    Forty-four years after the NPT entered into force, more than 17,000 nuclear weapons, most held by the U.S. and Russia, pose an intolerable threat to humanity. The International Red Cross has stated that “incalculable human suffering” will result from any use of nuclear weapons, and that there can be no adequate humanitarian response capacity.   Declaring that “our nation’s deep economic crisis can only be addressed by adopting new priorities to create a sustainable economy for the 21st century,” the bi-partisan U.S. Conference of Mayors has called on the President and Congress to slash nuclear weapons spending and to redirect those funds to meet the urgent needs of cities.

    We reiterate the thrust of the demands set forth in our letters of June 13, 2013 and January 29, 2014, and urge you to look to them for guidance in U.S. conduct at the 2014 NPT PrepCom. We stress the urgent need to press the “reset” button with Russia again. Important measures in this regard are an end to NATO expansion and a halt to anti-missile system deployments in Europe.

     

    • We urge you to work hard to fully implement all commitments you made in the Nuclear Disarmament action plan agreed by the 2010 NPT Review Conference and to convene the promised conference on a zone free of WMD in the Middle East at the earliest possible date.
    • We urge you again to take this opportunity to endorse UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s Five-Point Proposal on Nuclear Disarmament, to announce your convening of a series of Nuclear Disarmament Summits, and to engage in good faith in efforts to make the Conference on Disarmament productive in pursuing the objective for which it was established more than three decades ago: complete nuclear disarmament.
    • We call on you to declare that the U.S. will participate constructively and in good faith in the third intergovernmental conference on humanitarian impacts of nuclear weapons to be held in Vienna late this year.
    • As an immediate signal of good faith, we call on your Administration to halt all programs to modernize nuclear weapons systems, and to reduce nuclear weapons spending to the minimum necessary to assure the safety and security of the existing weapons as they await disablement and dismantlement.

    Mr. President: It’s time to move from talk to action on nuclear disarmament. There have never been more opportunities, and the need is as urgent as ever.

    We look forward to your positive response.

    Sincerely,

    Initiating organizations:

    Jacqueline Cabasso, Executive Director, Western States Legal Foundation
    [contact for this letter: wslf@earthlink.net; (510) 839-5877
    655 – 13th Street, Suite 201, Oakland, CA 94612]

    John Burroughs, Executive Director, Lawyers Committee on Nuclear Policy

    Kevin Martin, Executive Director, Peace Action

    David Krieger, President, Nuclear Age Peace Foundation

    Joseph Gerson, Disarmament Coordinator, American Friends Service Committee (for identification only)

    Alicia Godsberg, Executive Director, Peace Action New York

    Endorsing organizations (national):

    Robert Gould, MD, President, Physicians for Social Responsibility

    Tim Judson, Executive Director, Nuclear Information and Resource Service

    Michael Eisenscher, National Coordinator, U.S. Labor Against the War (USLAW)

    Michael McPhearson, Interim Executive Director, Veterans for Peace

    David Swanson, WarIsACrime.org

    Jill Stein, President, Green Shadow Cabinet

    Terry K. Rockefeller, National Co-Convener, United for Peace and Justice

    Hendrik Voss, National Organizer, School of the Americas Watch (SOA Watch)

    Alfred L. Marder, President, US Peace Council

    Robert Hanson, Treasurer, Democratic World Federalists

    Alli McCracken, National Coordinator, CODEPINK

    Margaret Flowers, MD and Kevin Zeese, JD, Popular Resistance

    Endorsing organizations (by state):

    Marylia Kelley, Executive Director, Tri-Valley CAREs (Communities Against a Radioactive Environment) Livermore, California

    Blase Bonpane, Ph.D., Director, Office of the Americas, California

    Linda Seeley, Spokesperson, San Luis Obispo Mothers for Peace, California

    Susan Lamont, Center Coordinator, Peace and Justice Center of Sonoma County, California

    Chizu Hamada, No Nukes Action, California

    Lois Salo, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, Peninsula Branch, California

    Rev. Marilyn Chilcote, Beacon Presbyterian Fellowship, Oakland, California

    Margli Auclair, Executive Director, Mount Diablo Pleace and Justice Center. California

    Roger Eaton, Communications Chair, United Nations Association-USA, San Francisco Chapter, California

    Dr. Susan Zipp, Vice President, Association of World Citizens, San Francisco, California
    Michael Nagler, President, Metta Center for Nonviolence, California (for identification only)

    Rev. Marilyn Chilcote McKenzie, Parish Associate, St. John’s Presbyterian Church of Berkeley, California (for identification only)

    James E. Vann, Oakland Tenants Union, California (for identification only)

    Vic and Barby Ulmer, Our Developing World, California (for identification only)

    Judith Mohling, Rocky Mountain Peace and Justice Center, Colorado

    Bob Kinsey, Colorado Coalition for the Prevention of Nuclear War

    Medard Gabel, Executive Director, Pacem in Terris, Delaware

    Roger Mills, Coordinator, Georgia Peace & Justice Coalition, Henry County Chapter

    Bruce K. Gagnon, Coordinator, Global Network Against Weapons & Nuclear Power in Space, Maine

    Lisa Savage, CODEPINK, Maine

    Natasha Mayers, Whitefield, Maine Union of Maine Visual Artists

    Shirley “Lee” Davis, GlobalSolutions.org, Maine Chapter

    Lynn Harwood, the Greens of Anson, Maine

    Dagmar Fabian, Crabshell Alliance, Maryland

    Judi Poulson, Chair, Fairmont Peace Group, Minnesota

    Marcus Page-Collonge, Nevada Desert Experience, Nevada

    Gregor Gable, Shundahai Network, Nevada

    Jay Coghlan, Executive Director, Nuclear Watch New Mexico

    Joni Arends, Executive Director, Concerned Citizens for Nuclear Safety, New Mexico

    Lucy Law Webster, Executive Director, The CENTER FOR WAR/PEACE STUDIES, New York

    Alice Slater, Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, New York

    Sheila Croke, Pax Christi Long Island, chapter of the international Catholic peace movement, New York

    Richard Greve, Co Chair, Staten Island Peace Action, New York

    Rosemarie Pace, Director, Pax Christi Metro New York

    Carol De Angelo, Director of Peace, Justice and Integrity of Creation, Sisters of Charity of New York (for identification only)

    Gerson Lesser, M.D., Clinical Professor, New York University School of Medicine (for identification only)

    Ellen Thomas, Proposition One Campaign, North Carolina

    Vina Colley, Portsmouth/Piketon Residents for Environmental Safety and Security, Ohio

    Harvey Wasserman, Solartopia, Ohio

    Ray Jubitz, Jubitz Family Foundation, Oregon

    Cletus Stein, convenor, The Peace Farm, Texas

    Steven G. Gilbert, PhD, DABT, INND (Institute of Neurotoxicology & Neurological Disorders), Washington

    Allen Johnson, Coordinator, Christians For The Mountains, West Virginia

    cc:

    John Kerry, Secretary of State
    Rose Gottemoeller, Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security
    Thomas M. Countryman, Assistant Secretary of State for International Security and
    Nonproliferation
    Susan Rice, National Security Advisor
    Ben Rhodes, Deputy National Security Advisor
    Samantha Power, Permanent Representative to the United Nations
    Christopher Buck, Chargé d’Affaires, a.i., Conference on Disarmament
    Walter S. Reid, Deputy Permanent Representative to the Conference on Disarmament

  • The Endless Arms Race

    Lawrence WittnerIt’s heartening to see that an agreement has been reached to ensure that Iran honors its commitment, made when it signed the 1970 nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), to forgo developing nuclear weapons.

    But what about the other key part of the NPT, Article VI, which commits nuclear-armed nations to “cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament,” as well as to “a treaty on general and complete disarmament”? Here we find that, 44 years after the NPT went into force, the United States and other nuclear powers continue to pursue their nuclear weapons buildups, with no end in sight.

    On January 8, 2014, U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel announced what Reuters termed “ambitious plans to upgrade [U.S.] nuclear weapons systems by modernizing weapons and building new submarines, missiles and bombers to deliver them.” The Pentagon intends to build a dozen new ballistic missile submarines, a new fleet of long-range nuclear bombers, and new intercontinental ballistic missiles. The Congressional Budget Office estimated in late December that implementing the plans would cost $355 billion over the next decade, while an analysis by the independent Center for Nonproliferation Studies reported that this upgrade of U.S. nuclear forces would cost $1 trillion over the next 30 years. If the higher estimate proves correct, the submarines alone would cost over $29 billion each.

    Of course, the United States already has a massive nuclear weapons capability — approximately 7,700 nuclear weapons, with more than enough explosive power to destroy the world. Together with Russia, it possesses about 95 percent of the more than 17,000 nuclear weapons that comprise the global nuclear arsenal.

    Nor is the United States the only nation with grand nuclear ambitions. Although China currently has only about 250 nuclear weapons, including 75 intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), it recently flight-tested a hypersonic nuclear missile delivery vehicle capable of penetrating any existing defense system. The weapon, dubbed the Wu-14 by U.S. officials, was detected flying at ten times the speed of sound during a test flight over China during early January 2014. According to Chinese scientists, their government had put an “enormous investment” into the project, with more than a hundred teams from leading research institutes and universities working on it. Professor Wang Yuhui, a researcher on hypersonic flight control at Nanjing University, stated that “many more tests will be carried out” to solve the remaining technical problems. “It’s just the beginning.” Ni Lexiong, a Shanghai-based naval expert, commented approvingly that “missiles will play a dominant role in warfare, and China has a very clear idea of what is important.”

    Other nations are engaged in this arms race, as well. Russia, the other dominant nuclear power, seems determined to keep pace with the United States through modernization of its nuclear forces. The development of new, updated Russian ICBMs is proceeding rapidly, while new nuclear submarines are already being produced. Also, the Russian government has started work on a new strategic bomber, known as the PAK DA, which reportedly will become operational in 2025. Both Russia and India are known to be working on their own versions of a hypersonic nuclear missile carrier. But, thus far, these two nuclear nations lag behind the United States and China in its development. Israel is also proceeding with modernization of its nuclear weapons, and apparently played the key role in scuttling the proposed U.N. conference on a nuclear weapons-free zone in the Middle East in 2012.

    This nuclear weapons buildup certainly contradicts the official rhetoric. On April 5, 2009, in his first major foreign policy address, President Barack Obama proclaimed “America’s commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons.” That fall, the UN Security Council — including Russia, China, Britain, France, and the United States, all of them nuclear powers — unanimously passed Resolution 1887, which reiterated the point that the NPT required the “disarmament of countries currently possessing nuclear weapons.” But rhetoric, it seems, is one thing and action quite another.

    Thus, although the Iranian government’s willingness to forgo the development of nuclear weapons is cause for encouragement, the failure of the nuclear nations to fulfill their own NPT obligations is appalling. Given these nations’ enhanced preparations for nuclear war — a war that would be nothing short of catastrophic — their evasion of responsibility should be condemned by everyone seeking a safer, saner world.

    This article was originally published by the History News Network.

    Lawrence S. Wittner (lawrenceswittner.com) is Professor of History emeritus at SUNY/Albany. His latest book is a satirical novel about university corporatization, What’s Going On at UAardvark?

  • The Doublespeak of Nuclear Disarmament

    This article was originally published on the Huffington Post.

    Kate HudsonIt’s easy to say you want a world without nuclear weapons. Nearly everyone does: even David Cameron. It’s like saying there should be no global poverty: the hard part is taking action to do something about it.

    Imagine if David Cameron returned from his recent trade-boosting visit to China and had to concede, shamefaced, that he hadn’t mentioned trade with the UK.

    Worse still: what if he returned and boasted of the fact that he hadn’t mentioned trade with the UK?

    Well this is precisely what the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) has just done following a UN meeting on nuclear disarmament.

    ‘What discussions,’ FCO Minister Hugh Robertson was asked in Parliament, ‘were held by [the FCO] on the replacement of the Trident submarines at the recent High Level Meeting on nuclear disarmament at the UN?’

    ‘No discussions’, he replied.

    Even more disturbingly, Robertson went on to claim that this was all good and proper.

    ‘Maintaining the UK’s nuclear deterrent beyond the life of the current system is fully consistent with our obligations as a recognised nuclear weapon state under the treaty on the non-proliferation (NPT) of nuclear weapons,’ he stated.

    Disingenuous doublespeak. He may as well have said: “building new nuclear weapons is the same as negotiating to get rid of them.”

    And that is precisely what the UK, and all other nuclear armed states, are bound to do by the NPT. Article VI of the treaty states:

    ‘Each of the Parties to the Treaty undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to… nuclear disarmament, and on a treaty on general and complete disarmament.’

    The UK government claims to have a long-standing commitment to multilateral initiatives towards a world free of nuclear weapons, but it simply doesn’t practice what it preaches.

    One recent initiative which the UK won’t even engage with is around the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons: supported by 125 states as well as NGOs around the world.

    But the UK, in a joint statement with France and the US, expressed ‘regret’ that states and civil society actors have sought to highlight these dangers.

    After a landmark conference on this issue in Oslo this year – which the British government failed to attend, despite Defence Secretary Philip Hammond being in Norway at the time – the UK still hasn’t RSVP’d to an invitation from the Mexican government to go to the follow-up conference in 2014.

    Here, our friend Hugh Robertson at the FCO can shed a little more light on the government’s position:

    ‘We are concerned that some efforts under the humanitarian initiative appear increasingly aimed at negotiating a nuclear weapons convention prohibiting the possession of nuclear weapons’.

    What a concern! States and global civil society want the UK to fulfil its treaty obligations and ‘negotiate’ towards disarmament!?

    The government’s apparent aversion to a Nuclear Weapons Convention (NWC) is all the more disturbing given how instrumental the framework of the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) has been recently in the historic elimination of Syria’s chemical weapons. These treaty apparatuses have been shown to enable and facilitate true progress on disarmament, yet the UK still refuses to join the call for similar initiatives for nuclear weapons.

    When this is the attitude of our politicians, how can we see their professed commitment to disarmament as anything other than shallow and meaningless rhetoric?

  • Nuclear Zero: The Moral Imperative

    How grateful I am to be able to stand in this good company and to receive the honor that will make me a part of the great processional of those you have honored before me.
    I am especially grateful to your president, David Krieger.  David has a deep pervasive ultimate concern to which he has dedicated the full force of his creative energy and imagination.  He has this crazy idea to which he has committed himself: he wants to save the earth and all its inhabitants from self-destruction.  He wants to make the planet a more peaceable habitation for all of us, and for our children and grandchildren after us.  How good it is to be counted among his followers.
    Now here I bring you the words of the beloved poet, Stanley Kunitz, written when he was somewhere on his way to the 100 years he lived, before his death a few years ago.
    I have walked through many lives,
some of them my own,
and I am not who I was,
though some principle of being
abides, from which I struggle
not to stray.
When I look behind,
as I am compelled to look
before I can gather strength
to proceed on my journey,
I see the milestones dwindling
toward the horizon….
    And here am I, an aged rabbi, who, like a peddler with a pack on his back, wherever he goes, comes bearing a pack of notions, some very old and familiar notions:  “Love thy neighbor as thyself.  It hath been told thee what is good and what the Lord requires of thee: only to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with your God.  And they shall beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks.  Nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war anymore.  And they shall sit, everyone, under his vine and his fig tree, with none to make them afraid.  If I am not for myself, who will be for me?  And being for myself alone, what am I?  And if not now, when?” And here, from a 1,800-year-old commentary on the Bible, the Midrash, where God is portrayed showing Adam all that has been created, and says to him: “See my works, how fine and excellent they are.  All that I have created has been given to you.  Remember this and do not corrupt and desolate the world, for if you corrupt it, there is no one after you to set it right.”
    Those are ancient words and ancient visions.  They come out of the sacred books of the Jewish civilization, but surely they embody ideals and visions held sacred by Christians and Muslims, and other faiths, and non-believers as well.  To voice them here is to remember that we live in a world in which the ideals of love and fellowship and peace and justice and care for the planet, are daily being mutilated throughout the world, even here in this land, even here in Santa Barbara.  For we live in a time of broken ideals, a broken world, a fragmented humanity, which needs to be made whole.
    But of all the words of the Bible, those that have been profoundly significant to all of us associated with the purposes of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation are to be found in the concluding chapters of the book of Deuteronomy.  In churches everywhere it is customary to read scripture from a book.  But in synagogues we Jews read every week from a parchment scroll we call Torah.  The Torah is written in Hebrew on a scroll which bears the first five books of the Bible, the Pentateuch.  Each scroll is written by hand, the work of a scribe who reverently and lovingly copies every word of it.  According to a rigorous tradition the scribe must use a quill to serve him as a pen, so that the ink will touch with gentleness the pages of the parchment.  For the Torah and the Bible it introduces is a book of peace.  Only a quill, no metal, is permitted to be the instrument of the scribe’s work.  For metal is the material of violence, of war; it may not be used in composing the book of peace.
    Wherever the scribe has done his work throughout the centuries and neared the completion of it as he reached the closing chapters of the fifth book, the book of Deuteronomy, his quill has brought to the parchment these words of danger and challenge, which, ever since they were first spoken, have reverberated throughout human history: “See, I have set before you life and death, the blessing and the curse; therefore choose life, that you may live, you and your seed after you.”
    To speak of choosing the way of blessing and life compels us to reckon with all that threatens life in our time, but also to raise the fearful question as to whether our civilization, so visibly incoherent and in decline, is not itself, in the throes of death. (Is such a thing possible?)   We have been so infused with the conceit that we could escape the remorseless fate that has overtaken all previous social systems—that we with all of our sophistication, with all of our so-called exceptionalism, that we with our science and industry, our democracy, our ingenuity, could violate the iron law of history.  For history has surely shown that every civilization has perished sooner or later.  Human social systems, as Robert Sinai once wrote, with their members anxious, insecure, restless, swollen with pride, driven by the will to power and by inordinate appetites, corrupted by self-intoxication and self-deception, sooner or later have sinned against the laws of proportion and harmony and have plunged into decay and self-destruction.
    Now, I ask you, what of our civilization?  Small wonder that we should be uncertain.  What hurts and confuses us is the lurking suspicion that because of what we have done to the air and the earth and the cities and the children and to one another, we may possibly have been condemned to live in an age that will make no significant contribution to the human spirit.  What hurts and confuses us is the knowledge that a huge proportion of our resources, our ingenuity, our wisdom, our creative energy, leaves untouched the abiding problems of human beings who live in this troubled time.  Technological processes uninhibited by any human values other than the dream of total security have committed great and even smaller powers to collective mechanisms of destruction.  But the dream of total security has produced only the reality of total vulnerability.  As for nuclear weapons, and the several powers that possess them, we know, as I think it was George Kennan who once said, “nuclear weapons cannot bring us security, they can only bring revenge.”  If only we could banish this sterile dream and sadistic nightmare.
    “We have fed the heart on fantasies,” the poet Yeats once said, “the heart’s grown brutal from the fare/  More substance in our enmities/ Than in our love.” And all of this rooted in the conviction that nothing must stand in the way of the demonstration of our power.  “Power to coerce,” Norman Cousins once wrote, “power to harm, power that intimidates intelligence, power that conquers language and renders other forms of communication incoherent and irrelevant, power becoming a theology, admitting no other gods before it…”  Surely we know that the policies to which we have been so slavishly obedient end up, as always, constituting a form of violence against the poor—the ever growing kingdom of the poor,
    Yet we know there is another power within us, a power that will enable to us to say “NO” to the forces that have ruled over our thinking and feeling.  It is the power of our own critical intelligence, of our own decency, the power of the human spirit, a spiritual power present in every person, and it can be actualized.  And we shall have to actualize this power without pretending away our need for security, or that we do indeed live in a brutal world, brimming with anger and suspicion, and adversaries.
    There is a story members of the clergy like to tell.  It concerns a minister (it could be a priest, a rabbi, or an imam) who wants to stage an object lesson for the members of his/her congregation, and placed a lion and a lamb in a cage outside the entrance to the church.  And they lived together in peace.  And people from miles around came to see this remarkable phenomenon.  Finally, the mayor of the city, intrigued by this feat, sent a delegation to inquire how the minister pulled off this trick.  ‘Oh, “there’s no trick at all,” said the minister.  “All you have to do is put in a fresh lamb from time to time.”
    In the real world, we know very well, lions and lambs do not live together peacefully.  Even the prophet Isaiah, when he spoke of such a possibility, was referring to a messianic time.  And that’s where the rub is for us: how to face up to the truth of this real world of brutality, fear, mutual rivalry, and the need for security, and still retain hope, still work for something different.
    How shall we do that?  We need some troubled people.  We need agitated people.  We need men and women who are not ashamed to be sensitive and tender with one another.  We need those who are willing to become members of a community dedicated to each other’s fulfillment.  We need men and women who have the courage to be afraid, afraid of all those forces which have removed our humanity.  And as for the vast store of nuclear weapons, we need men and women who can maintain a firm conviction that it is not so wild a dream (to borrow the words of Norman Corwin) that we can negotiate, not only to do away with the nuclear arms race, but also that we can abolish nuclear arms, altogether.  We must not let this hope be crushed amidst the powers and the principalities.  And that is why the work of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation is so important.
    And something more, we need to give voice to the abandoned and forgotten, and preserve a vision that can transcend the dangerous imagery of victory and defeat, a vision of a genuinely humane society, in a genuinely decent world, that we can ultimately approach a great common tenderness.
    How shall I thank you for the gift of the honor you have given me?  What I could have said at the very beginning, and it might have been worthy and sufficient for this occasion, are Shakespeare’s words:
    “I can no other answer make, but thanks, and thanks, and ever thanks.”