Category: Peace

  • Hiroshima’s Message: Wage Peace

    On August 6, 1945, the day Hiroshima was bombed with an atomic weapon, humanity walked through a door into an era in which our own annihilation as a species became possible.

    The bombing was a triumph of destructive technology. It sent a message that all cities would become vulnerable to instant devastation. And indeed, over the decades that followed Hiroshima, all cities did become vulnerable to annihilation.

    Nuclear “weapons” are not weapons in the traditional sense of being used to injure or kill enemy forces. Rather, they are devices capable of inflicting massive destruction on population centers, and taking countless innocent lives. In this sense, they are weapons of terrorists.

    The countries that possess nuclear weapons and base their security on the threat of their use do not ordinarily think of themselves as terrorist states, but by any reasonable definition of terrorism they are. They are states that threaten massive retaliation against civilian populations, in violation of the rules and norms of international law.

    There is only one way to assure a human future in which cities are not held hostage to the fate of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and that is by developing new methods of cooperation among nations and peoples. The logical place for this cooperation to take place is in the United Nations, the organization of the world’s nations created with the strong support and leadership of the United States.

    Franklin Roosevelt viewed the United Nations as essential if mankind were to avoid the “scourge of war” which twice in the first half of the 20th century had caused “untold sorrow.” After Roosevelt’s death in April1945, Harry Truman assured that his predecessor’s dream became a reality.

    In the 21st century, nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction can cause even worse consequences than “untold sorrow.” These weapons can cause unimaginable and unalterable silence; they are capable of bringing history to an end by bringing humankind and most other forms of life to an end. We should never lose sight of this. We should never become too comfortable or complacent with these destructive devices holding the potential for our shared demise.

    Missile defenses will not protect us. Such plans offer only comforting illusions. Nor will the threat of retaliation protect us. There will always be some who are too crazed or unreasonable to be deterred by threat of retaliation. There will always be the possibility of human error that leads us stumbling into a disastrous war.

    The only way out is to end the nuclear era by agreeing to the phased elimination of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. Such agreements must be solidly built with inspections and other means of verification. Such agreements among nations are possible, but they require leadership and particularly leadership from the United States, the world’s most powerful nation.

    We live in a nation in which government is “of the people, by the people and for the people.” Therefore, we, the people, can prevail if we make our voices heard. If the people of this country speak out with a strong voice, the United States could reassume leadership in the United Nations. We could help to build a world free of the threat of all weapons of mass destruction.

    This is a future worth believing in and fighting for. And the effort must begin with each of us. As Albert Camus, the great French writer and philosopher, said in reaction to learning of the bombing of Hiroshima, “Peace is the only battle worth waging. It is no longer a prayer, but an order which must rise up from peoples to their governments – the order to choose finally between hell and reason.”

    *David Krieger is president of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.

  • Building a Culture of Peace

    Building a culture of peace means that we begin educating our young children on personal, local, national and international issues of conflict and violence. All too often, education and dialogue is reserved for undergraduate, post-graduate and professional circles, ignoring the vast resource of youthful enthusiasm and exploration which high school-aged students can provide. The institutions of government, military, and popular media wage educational campaigns to inundate young people’s lives with violent images and wasteful propaganda. If a culture of peace is what we want to provide for the future generations, then we must begin to explicitly *teach peace*. In the United States, this may mean restructuring the academic calendar to make learning at school more permanent rather than seasonal, and it may mean challenging our system of “accountability” where we are teaching our kids to test rather than teaching them to learn and think.

    Furthermore, kids learn by example. So if we want them to learn nonviolence and healthy conflict management, we as a nation must become more vigilant in creating compassionate policies for education, healthcare, foreign countries, immigration, nuclear energy and weapons of mass destruction. As a high school teacher of nonviolence, I tell my students that if they want to know where their priorities are, they should track where they spend their money. Does it go to transportation expenditures, to new clothes or movies, or does it go to charitable causes? Students see where their governments’ priorities are when they learn of the disparity between the defense budget and the education budget.

    *Leah C. Wells is Peace Education Coordinator at the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.

  • War as a Disease Epidemic

    War has been used to resolve political disputes between countries and within a country; to acquire another nation’s territory; and to defend a nation’s borders from foreign invasion. No matter how war begins, it always ends up to be a devastating form of traumatic disease. Because it kills, injures and disables more people in shorter periods of time than any other known disease, war should be recognized as a true disease epidemic. During World War ll alone 50 million lives were lost.

    Bullets, shells and bombs are not the only culprits. War-related starvation, exposure and epidemics of infection also take their toll. No one is immune. Of the 23 regional wars during the 1980’s, eighty-five percent of the fatalities occurred in civilians.

    Emotional causalities from war occur in the forms of anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorders, drug abuse and alcoholism. These result from the grim, dehumanizing experiences of battle, imprisonment, family separation, death and injuries of fellow comabatants, loss of homes and displacement of refugees. Add to this the anger of the disabled of war and the guilt and fears of survivors whose nightmares refuse to go away.

    If war were recognized as a public health form of disease epidemic, considerably greater effort would be directed to try to prevent war before it occurs. Prevention of any disease is, after all, the most cost-effective means of dealing with any disease especially epidemics. In this case, the cost in lives saved is even more valuable than the money saved.

    If nothing is done until war actually breaks out, it is too late for prevention. Here the analogy to public health epidemic model is that really effective “treatment” to stop an ongoing war is usually impossible. Diplomatic, political and economic pressures are more likely to be effective to prevent war. All too often the treatment of an ongoing war is for other nations to join that war, hardly an effective solution.

    When prevention of war does fail, what options should be considered to reduce suffering and deaths, especially of innocent women, children and civilian men? In a public health model of war, this would be considered the treatment phase for this disease epidemic.

    Priority should be given to minimizing civilian casualties. This could be accomplished by avoiding bombing of civilian neighborhoods and pinpointing strategic targets of military importance. This is now possible using so-called smart laser controlled bombs.

    Second, those weapons that spread destruction from neighborhood to neighborhood like fire bombs, nuclear, chemical and biologic weapons, should be avoided. Those whose killing and maiming power persist long after the war is over, should be banned. Examples are land mines and defoliants such as agent orange.

    The priority of killing as many of the enemy personnel in as short a period of time as possible, has rendered the military leaders to consider the safety of combatants on both sides, as well as civilians, to be of secondary importance. Examples are contaminating our own troops in Vietnam with agent orange; exposing our own troops and nearby communities to the effects of aboveground nuclear detonations; bombing two mostly civilian Japanese cities with atomic bombs in World War Two, when bombing major military targets would likely have been as effective; fifty years of lying that nuclear weapons plants were not polluting nearby American communities; and misleading Persian Gulf War veterans that they were not exposed to Iraqi chemical weapons.

    For these reasons the Defense Department and its military leaders should have independent medical advisors from the Communicable Disease Center to advise them regarding unnecessary risks during peacetime training and war. Military physicians in leadership positions depend upon military superiors, often non-physicians, for their promotions.

    Political and economic isolation of a potential or actual warring aggressor nation would reduce its capacity to obtain weapons and financially reduce its ability to maintain an ongoing war. Diplomatic threats by the United Nations or other organized nations would require detecting the earliest possible indications of an impending war followed by the strongest warning that the economic and political sanctions will certainly be enforced.

    The latter requires the best and most effective early diagnosis that a war may be eminent and the conventional word for this is military intelligence. Recent technical advances using spy satellites allows early detection of war preparations in terms of weapons and supplies.

    An example of the failing to take the opportunity to use diplomatic means to prevent a war occurred when the United States Ambassador to Iraq was asked by the Iraqi government how the United States would react if Iraq invaded Kuwait. The answer given by the U.S. Ambassador was that this would be considered an internal domestic affair. Within days Iraq invaded Kuwait in the Persian Gulf War. If Iraq did not care what the U.S. reaction would be, the U.S. Ambassador would likely not have been asked that question. Why the ambassador was instructed to say what she admitted six months later to a congressional committee is a matter of conjecture.

    The Persian Gulf War was followed by a disabling chronic new epidemic among many thousands of the American military veterans This illness was called The Persian Gulf Syndrome and our military leadership denied that such an illness existed. They claimed that it was just a stress reaction. When Czech military specialists discovered five years later that their instruments detected that American troops were exposed to Iraqi poison gas, it was not initially admitted by American authorities and was downplayed later on. It was an embarrassment to our government because they had checked for poison gas exposure immediately after the Persian Gulf War and had not indicated that any of our troops were exposed to it.

    This illustrates the common phenomenon that during and after war it is quite common for military authorities to evade, lie or exaggerate what has really happened. This distortion of truth also occurs in the censorship of the public media that occurs during war. While the public has come to accept this avoidance of honesty during war as being necessary, it is becoming more evident that in the long run honesty is a better policy. Deceit and lying only breeds suspicion and disbelief of government authorities not only during war but also during peace.

    The emphasis of the prevention of war and the use of effective diplomatic, political and economic alternatives would not necessarily guarantee the elimination of war. However, it would likely decrease its frequency, especially by the countries who are most likely to prefer peaceful methods.

    On the other hand, what about the political despots and dictators who crave the power of war and the acquisition of new territories? This is the reason why even the most peaceful nations need a strong military defense. It is also evident why this prevention-oriented disease model for war is not a form of idealistic passivism. Just the opposite. This approach would require continued vigilance and effort during peacetime to spot the earliest sparks of a possible impending war anywhere in the world and bring it to national and international attention such as the United Nations or NATO. Then international organized political and economic pressures would have a better chance to be effective than waiting until war breaks out.

    Civil wars within a nation’s boundaries are obviously more difficult to deal with. But even here international organized United Nation like pressures could be brought to bear simultaneously upon both opposing political leaders of the warring parties.

    The Vietnamese War is one of the darkest chapters in American History. Even the then Secretary of Defense admitted several decades later that the United States’ Vietnam involvement was a tragic mistake. How does that make the over 50,000 American Families who lost a son, husband or daughter feel? How does that make an American veteran of that war feel? This may be why there are so many drug addicted, alcoholic, homeless and post-traumatic stress syndrome affected Vietnam veterans.

    American involvement in World War ll was obviously unavoidable by the time the U.S. was attacked at Pearl Harbor and had war declared on it by Nazi Germany the following day. In fact it could be argued that this war involving the United States was inevitable by the time Germany and Japan were invading one nation after another. If so, the United States might have considered joining their allies even sooner than they did. Whether United States involvement in World War l, the Korean War, the Spanish American War and the Mexican-American Wars were really necessary is a matter of conjecture.

    Besides the necessary use of war to defend a nation’s borders and possibly to deal with an expanding invader nation, the recent use of military personnel by the United Nations with the help of the United States for humanitarian purposes such as preventing starvation in Somalia and reducing genocide in Bosnia, would appear to be the most ethical use of military personnel. However, it is always important not to expose the United Nations’ and the United States’ troops to greater risks than necessary.

    A practical way to look at war and peace is to consider that for most nations there is not sustained peace. There may be periods of no overt military action but the preparations for the next war goes on as if it were inevitable. The two world wars were only separated by 20 years, Korea occurred only a handful of years later and Vietnam only about ten years after Korea. A number of more limited involvements in the 1980’s and 50 years of high military readiness and preparation occurred between the United States and Russia in the so-called Cold War.

    Therefore, periods of overt war alternate with periods of active preparations for the next one. Preparations include not just maintaining a well-trained military who know how to use the latest weapons but constant upgrading and technological improvements in weapons, air power, rockets, nuclear weapons, submarines and ships, and even development of new means of biologic and chemical warfare.

    The deadly cycle of war and its preparations are not confined to this century but goes all the way back to the very beginnings of human history as documented in ancient Greek and Roman records and even in the Old testament.

    Little wonder that most people believe that war is an inevitable part of human existence and almost nothing can be done to reduce its recurrence. This defeatist attitude regarding war is similar to saying that nothing can be done to eliminate any disease epidemic.

    Yet look at the progress that has been made against the epidemics of heart disease and strokes and the reduction in childhood death rates through immunizations and safe water supplies. An example is how international efforts have actually eliminated smallpox from the face of the earth. Those that are old enough to remember the extent of polio epidemics in the United States before polio immunizations have been greatly impressed by the fact that this disease has all but been totally eliminated from our country and other industrialized nations.

    The futility of war is best illustrated by the horrendous suffering of both military combatants and civilians on both sides of any war. The increasing uncivilizing effects of war is best illustrated by the newer technical weapons that destroy huge numbers of mostly civilians during war. In prior centuries reasonable attempts were made to confine war to military combatants and not target civilians as has been done during this century. Nobody really wins in terms of the ordinary citizens involved in war. The winning political leaders and generals, however, become heroes who often become the future presidents and dictators with even more powerful support.

    The irony of war is illustrated by the fact that our two demonized enemies in World War ll, Japan and Germany, have become our new international friends within just a few short years. Similarly, two of our closest allies during the war, Russia and China, would become our new future enemies during that same short period.

    One of the greatest human rights violations occurs when healthy young men are forced to “lill or be killed” by means of a military draft or conscription. Even during our Revolutionary and Civil Wars the military was primarily composed of volunteers as it has been in the last few decades. Military training during war and peace is a dehumanizing experience. Individual freedom and choice is replaced by being told when and what to eat; when to sleep and when to wake up; what clothes must be worn; where one must live and travel often causing long separations from spouse, family and children. Absolute unquestioning obedience to one’s superior officer results in the ultimate loss of individuality. It the military method would occur in civilian life, it would be immediately labeled as a human rights violation.

    Perhaps all these extreme measures are necessary to be adequately prepared for war. Perhaps they could be made less dehumanizing. What is needed is true scientific studies involving multidisciplinary professionals, officers and enlisted men and women, psychologists, sociologists, and public health experts and both civilian and legal experts.

    Another undemocratic activity is that the decision to go to war has traditionally been the exclusive domain of the top national political leader, king, president or dictator. Even in democracies citizens usually have no voice in this life and death decision. Yet they are the ones who pay the price in terms of lives, disabilities and suffering.

    Our forefathers recognized the unfairness of this power of leaving this life and death decision to just one individual. That is why our constitution provides that only the congressional representatives of our citizens have the right to vote for or against a declaration of war. However, since World War ll our presidents have gotten around this limitation by deploying military combatants around the world, as in Vietnam, and calling it a police action rather than a war. Once our troops are already in harm’s way, then the president will ask Congress to vote for war. By that time we are already involved.

    Look at the remarkable growth of private militias recently all over the United States. They train with modern weapons in their own fenced off and guarded territories. They create their own laws and constitutions and are usually prepared to do battle with federal or local law enforcement authorities if they “invade” their private territories. Usually these organizations promote their own brands of racial and ethnic prejudice and often declare that they are not accountable to the laws of the nation.

    Another concern that has never been properly investigated is the possibility that an individually with an actual or potential personality disorder who undergoes military battle experience, may be unable to turn off the “kill or be killed” war commitment and be unable to resume the “thou shalt not kill” peacetime value. This possibility needs to be studied by behavioral scientists and their military counterparts. Recommendations should be made for military combatants to undergo adequate postwar psychological evaluation and retraining for civilian life before discharge. Whether or not this activity might have prevented the Oklahoma City Federal Building bombing by a recent Persian Gulf War veteran is a matter for conjecture but needs evaluation.

    Consider also the effect of war glamorization used by urban gangs. They also use sophisticated weapon to protect what they consider their neighborhood territories. They dress alike in colors and clothing styles similar to uniforms and often display gang tattoos and use gang signs to communicate. Usually they pledge blind obedience to their gang leaders and take on rival gangs in deadly battle.

    Consider how war has been glorified in our history books, our movies, TV and print media and in our childhood toys and now video games. In fact, if wars were eliminated from our history books and recreational activities, and they will not be, it would cause major economic and educational difficulties. In reality, war is too an important part of civilization to ever eliminate its popularity as games and media. But again, scientific behavioral studies could be done to reduce the excessive sensationalization and commercialization of war. Also appropriate age of exposure to war games, videos and toys needs to be studied by the proper authorities.

    The excitement and glamorization of war has lead countless millions of young men through the ages to join in the military and then to their horror experience the most unimaginable dehumanization witnessing or experiencing the realities of instant death, mutilation and disability. The television series “The Civil War” based on letters from Civil War soldiers said it all very well.

    Part of the glamorization of war is to focus on our historical war heroes. I recall the profound emotional impact when after viewing the names without rand of dead American military on the Vietnam War Memorial in Washington, I immediately walked across the bridge to see the Arlington National Cemetery. Here the military dead had their military ranks on their monuments, especially those of higher rank. My emotional reaction to the rankles lists on the Vietnam Memorial was that these dead men and women were all equally important in life as well as in death. It brought home the full overwhelming tragedy of war that in no way reduces the tragedy of those who were buried at Arlington National Cemetery across the bridge. In fact, all of our military combatants, dead, disabled or intact, deserves the greatest appreciation possible from our country and its citizens. They made truly supreme sacrifices. The greatest honor that could be bestowed on those who have sacrificed their lives in combat would be to reduce the incidence of and severity of wars so that their children ad grandchildren would not have to suffer the same tragic losses.

    With all the cataclysmic technical weapons already available, nuclear, biologic and chemical and those that will be even worse yet to be developed in the future, there is likely to be little or no future human survival unless we become more proficient at preventing and controlling wars.

    It is ironic that the United States is the largest supplier of weapons of war to nations all over the world. These weapons often end up being used against our own troops when they are sold or shared with enemy nations that were not intended to receive these weapons. Also friendly nations do not always remain friendly.

    The Soviet Union left tens of thousands of nuclear armed rockets in many former Soviet nations no longer controlled by a former central authority. Russian authorities announce that some of these weapons, as well as the high-grade plutonium to make them, have disappeared presumably by stealing them and selling them to other countries. The reality is that even smaller nations often lead by dictators have or will soon have nuclear bombs or rockets. Others will manufacture them in the future. There is no realistic way to cap their proliferation and there is little likelihood that the many thousands of those weapons stockpiled by the United States and the former Soviet Union nations can be completely dismantled and eliminated.

    For this reason alone the world has little choice but to reduce and to exert as much control as possible over the possible use of nuclear as well as biologic and chemical weapons. But it also has to be realized that even without using these weapons, increasingly devastating other types of weapons are being developed or will be developed so that it is necessary to emphasize that war itself needs to be more efficiently controlled in frequency and severity and not to focus on nuclear weapons alone.

    Using healthy values to deal with war may seem a contradiction in terms. After all, “First do no harm” can not be applied to war although the healthy value of prevention can. But a public health model for war will help put war and its prevention in a more realistic perspective. It also will make the study of war and its prevention less emotional and nationalistic and more humanistic and scientific. In fact, the prevention of war should be a major focus of universities and medical centers.

    A new world order based on international cooperation rather than military might have already begun. Witness the economic boycott of Iraq by the United Nations; the peaceful resolution of 45 years of the East-West Cold War; international agreements on resolving global pollution; greater international economic cooperation and such entities as the European Common Market. We need every ounce of resources and human creativeness to build rather than to destroy. The real challenges to survival of civilization are international in scope, and include in addition to war, global pollution, overpopulation, international epidemics such as AIDS and urban decay.

    War and violence as public health epidemics are concepts whose time has come and not a moment too soon.

  • Notes From the Road

    On Saturday March 10, 2001, I participated in World Peace through Human Revolution at the SGI-USA Santa Barbara Community Center. The event exposed attendees to Buddhist practices and allowed local non-profit organizations the opportunity to discuss our respective missions and programs with SGI members and event participants. Event organizers treated participants to a historical overview of Buddhism, brief discussion of the main figures who shaped present day Soka Gakkai International, and recitation of the Lotus Sutra. The program debuted Changing Society by Changing Ourselves, a captivating visual chronicle of the major figures and events shaping war and peace in the 20th century. Talented SGI members not only showcased their theatrical skills through a skit entitled Changing Poison to Medicine, which portrayed a day in the life a young women in the process of changing her life for the better by overcoming greed, foolishness, and anger, but also their musical skills through an inspirational piece combining turntable, spoken word, and vocal stylings. Many participants experienced the Victory Over Violence exhibit, learning whether it was their first time or viewing the exhibit as a reminder of our need to wage peace. Also, Nonviolence International Founder and local high school educator, Leah Wells, donated her own facilitation skills to a workshop on conflict resolution. Initiated and led by students, World Peace through Human Revolution relayed Gandhi’s message of be(ing) the change that you want to see in the world. I commend all of those who contributed to the success of the afternoon festivities.

    The video Changing Society by Changing Ourselves features Foundation President David Krieger. Video narrators reiterate his belief that the collaborative and organizational efforts among those of us working to affirm and expand the just and humane components of our society must equal and exceed the efforts among individuals, organizations, and corporations organized around preparing for and mounting war. This concept remains a rallying point today! Case in point – approximately three years ago, SGI youth collected 13 million signatures from Japanese citizens calling for both an international treaty to eliminate nuclear weapons within a fixed time period and for the reallocation of resources from military purposes to social services. David Krieger accepted the signatures on behalf of the Abolition 2000 Global Network to Eliminate Nuclear Weapons at a ceremony at the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum. Being that the United States is twice the size of Japan, I believe it is possible to collect 26 million signatures through our current Appeal to End the Nuclear Threat to Humanity. Please join with me and voice our commitment to transforming society for the better starting with ourselves.

    *Michael Coffey is the Youth Outreach Coordinator for the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.

  • Last Message to Mankind

    Dear Brothers,

    We have met here to fight against war. War, the thing for the sake of which all the nations of the earth – millions and millions of people – place at the uncontrolled disposal of a few men or sometimes only one man, not merely milliards of rubles, talers, francs or yen (representing a very large share of their labor), but also their very lives.

    And now we, a score of private people gathered from the various ends of the earth, possessed of no special privileges and above all having no power over anyone, intend to fight – and as we wish to fight we also wish to conquer – this immense power not only of one government but of all governments, which have at their disposal these milliards of money and millions of soldiers and who are well aware that the exceptional position of those who for the governments rests on the army alone: the army which has a meaning and a purpose against which we wish to fight and which we wish to abolish.

    For us to struggle, the forces being so unequal, must appear insane. But if we consider our opponent’s means of strife and our own, it is not our intention to fight that will seem absurd, but that the thing we mean to fight will still exist. They have millions of money and millions of obedient soldiers; we have only one thing, but that is the most powerful thing in the world – Truth.

    Therefore, insignificant as our forces may appear in comparison with those of our opponents, our victory is as sure as the victory of the light of the rising sun over the darkness of night.

    Our victory is certain, but on one condition only – that when uttering the truth we utter it all, without compromise, concession, or modification. The truth so simple, so clear, so evident, so incumbent not only on Christians but on all reasonable men, that it is only necessary to speak it out in its full significance for it to be irresistible.

    The truth in its full meaning lies in what was said thousands of years ago (in the law accepted among us as the Law of God) in four words: “Thou shalt not kill.” The truth is that man may not and should not in any circumstances or under any pretext kill his fellow man. The truth is so evident, so binding, and so generally acknowledged, that it is only necessary to put it clearly before men for the evil called war to become quite impossible.

    And so I think that if we who are assembled here at this Peace Congress should, instead of clearly and definitely voicing this truth, address ourselves to the governments with various proposals for lessening the evils of war or gradually diminishing its frequency, we should be like men who having in their hand the key to a door, should try to break through walls they know to be too strong for them.

    Before us are millions of armed men, ever more and more efficiently armed and trained for more and more rapid slaughter. We know that these millions of people have no wish to kill their fellows and for the most part do not even know why they are forced to do that repulsive work, and that they are weary of their position of subjection and compulsion; we know that the murders committed from time to time by these men are committed by order of the governments; and we know that the existence of the governments depends on the armies.

    Can we then who desire the abolition of war, find nothing more conducive to our aim than to propose to the governments which exist only by the aid of armies and consequently by war – measures which would destroy war? Are we to propose to the governments that they should destroy themselves?

    The governments will listen willingly to any speeches of that kind, knowing that such discussions will neither destroy war nor undermine their own power, but will only conceal yet more effectively what must be concealed if wars and armies and themselves in control of armies are to continue to exist.

    ‘But’, I shall be told, ‘this is anarchism; people never have lived without governments and States, and therefore governments and States and military forces defending them are necessary for the existence of nations.’

    But leaving aside the question of whether the life of Christian and other nations is possible without armies and wars to defend their governments and States, or even supposing it to be necessary for their welfare that they should slavishly submit to institutions called governments (consisting of people they do not personally know), and that it is necessary to yield up the produce of their labor to these institutions and fulfill all their demands – including the murder of their neighbors – granting them all that, there yet remains in our world an unsolved difficulty.

    This difficulty lies in the impossibility of making the Christian faith (which those who form the governments profess with particular emphasis) accord with armies composed of Christians trained to slay. However much you may pervert the Christian teaching, however much you may hide its main principles, its fundamental teaching is the love of God and one’s neighbor; of God – that is the highest perfection of virtue, and of one’s neighbor – that is all men without distinction.

    And therefore it would seem inevitable that we must repudiate one of the two, either Christianity is love of God and one’s neighbor, or the State with its armies and wars.

    Perhaps Christianity may be obsolete, and when choosing between the two – Christianity and love of the State and murder – the people of our time will conclude that the existence of the State and murder is more important than Christianity, we must forgo Christianity and retain only what is important: the State and murder.

    That may be so – at least people may think and feel so. But in that case they should say so! They should openly admit that people in our time have ceased to believe in what the collective wisdom of mankind has said, and what is said by the Law of God they profess: have ceased to believe in what is written indelibly on the heart of each man, and must now believe only in what is ordered by various people who by accident or birth have happened to become emperors and kings, or by various intrigues and elections have become presidents or members of senates and parliaments – even if those orders include murder. That is what they ought to say!

    But it is impossible to say it; and yet one of these two things has to be said. If it is admitted that Christianity forbids murder, both armies and governments become impossible. And if it is admitted that government acknowledges the lawfulness of murder and denies Christianity, no one will wish to obey a government that exists merely by its power to kill. And besides, if murder is allowed in war it must be still more allowable when a people seek its rights in a revolution. And therefore the governments, being unable to say either one thing or the other, are anxious to hid from their subjects the necessity of solving the dilemma. And for us who are assembled here to counteract the evil of war, if we really desire to attain our end, only one thing is necessary: namely to put that dilemma quite clearly and definitely both to those who form governments and to the masses of the people who compose the army.

    To do that we must not only clearly and openly repeat the truth we all know and cannot help knowing – that man should not slay his fellow man – but we must also make it clear that no considerations can destroy the demand made by the truth on people in the Christian world. Therefore I propose that our Meeting draw up and publish an appeal to all men, and especially to the Christian nations, in which we clearly and definitely express what everybody knows, but hardly anyone says: namely war is not – as most people assume – a good and laudable affair, but that like all murder, it is a vile and criminal business not only for those who voluntarily choose a military career but for those who submit to it from avarice, or fear of punishment.

    With regard to those who voluntarily choose a military career, I would propose to state clearly and definitely that not withstanding all the pomp, glitter, and general approval with which it is surrounded, it is a criminal and shameful activity; and that the higher the position a man holds in the military profession the more criminal and shameful his occupation.

    In the same way with regard to men of the people who are drawn into military service by bribes or by threats of punishments, I propose to speak clearly about the gross mistake they make – contrary to their faith, morality and common sense – when they consent to enter the army; contrary to their faith because when they enter the ranks of murderers contrary to the Law of God which they acknowledge; contrary to morality , because for pay or from fear of punishment they agreed to what in their souls they know to be wrong; and contrary to common sense, because if they enter the army and war breaks out they risk having to suffer any consequences, bad or worse than those they are threatened with if they refuse. Above all they act contrary to common sense in that they join that caste of people which deprives them of freedom and compels them to be soldiers.

    With reference to both classes I propose in this appeal to express clearly the thought that for men of true enlightenment, who are therefore free from the superstition of military glory, (and their number is growing every day) the military profession and calling not withstanding all the efforts to hide its real meaning, is as shameful a business as the executioner’s and even more so. For the executioner only holds himself in readiness to kill those who have been adjudged to be harmful and criminal, while a soldier promises to kill all who he is told to kill, even though they may be the dearest to him or the best of men.

    Humanity in general, and our Christian humanity in particular, has reached a stage of such acute contradiction between its moral demands and the existing social order, that a change has become inevitable, and a change not in society’s moral demand which are immutable, but in the social order which can be altered. The demand for a different social order, evoked by that inner contradiction which is so clearly illustrated by our preparations for murder, becomes more and more insistent every year and every day.

    The tension which demands that alteration has reached such a degree that, just as sometimes only a slight shock is required to change a liquid into a solid body, so perhaps with a slight effort or even a single word may be needed to change the cruel and irrational life of our time – with its divisions, armaments and armies – into a reasonable life in keeping with the consciousness of contemporary humanity.

    Every such effort, every such word, may be the shock which will instantly solidify the super cooled liquid. Why should not our gathering be the shock?

    In Andersen’s fairy tale, when the King went in triumphal procession through the streets of the town and all the people were delighted with his beautiful new clothes, a word from a child who said what everybody knew but had not said, changed everything. He said: ‘He has nothing on!’ and the spell was broken, and the king became ashamed and all those who had been assuring themselves that they saw him wearing beautiful new clothes perceived that he was naked! We must say the same. We must say what everybody knows but does not venture to say. We must say that by whatever name people may call murder – murder always remains murder and a criminal and shameful thing. And it is only necessary to say that clearly, definitely, and loudly, as we can say it here, and men will cease to see what they thought they saw, and will see what is really before their eyes.

    They will cease to see the service for their country, the heroism of war, military glory, and patriotism, and will see what exists: the naked, criminal business of murder!

    And if people see that, the same thing will happen as in the fairy tale: those who do the criminal thing will feel ashamed, and those who assure themselves that they do not see the criminality of murder will perceive it and cease to be murderers.

    But how will nations defend themselves against their enemies, how will they maintain internal order, and how can nations live without an army?

    What form of life men will take after they repudiate murder we do not and cannot know; but one thing is certain: that it is more natural for men to be guided by reason and conscience with which they are endowed, than to submit slavishly to people who arrange wholesale murders; and that therefrom the form of social order assumed by the lives of those who are guided in their actions not by violence based on threats of murder, but by reason and conscience, will in any case be no worse than that under which they now live.

    That is all I want to say. I shall be sorry if it offends or grieves anyone or evokes any ill feeling. But for me, a man eighty years old, expecting to die at any moment, it would be shameful and criminal not to speak out the whole truth as I understand it – the truth which, as I firmly believe, is alone capable of relieving mankind from the incalculable ills produced by war.

  • Notes from the Road

    Earlier this month, I participated in Make Our World 2000, a joining of minds between international youth peace activists. The event was held at a scenic retreat center just outside of Malibu, California. A group of remarkable, concerned southern California residents — and activists in their own right — convened the event and enlisted the assistance of the Global Youth Action Network to encourage young activists to attend, facilitate discussion, and develop a plan of action.

    Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful committed citizens can change the world. Indeed, it’s the only thing that ever has.

                                                                       -Margaret Mead

    Much was accomplished in the few days we spent together, and a number of larger themes surfaced. We spent valuable time getting to know one another, summarizing our purpose for heeding the call to attend, sharing meals, and hiking together in the Malibu hills. We brainstormed on how we could combine forces, better support one another, and create an international youth platform addressing and linking multiple social justice issues. We recognized the accomplishments of previous meetings with similar goals, yet seized the moment at hand to synthesize, organize, and contribute our individual and collective energies to the youth movement.

    Diversity is a cornerstone in building this movement! Unfortunately, a number of our allies experienced difficulties in securing the proper approval and means to attend the event. Their presence was sorely missed! In their absence, the group acknowledged a relationship between structural, global, macro-level injustice and individual, micro-level suffering.[1] As a means to find solutions to identify and act on solutions to end such suffering, the group recommitted itself to having a greater representation of indigenous peoples, people of African descent, and people of Asian descent at our next gathering, tentatively scheduled for June 2001.

    The facilitators and the group as a whole created and maintained a comfortable and flexible environment that allowed for changes to the agenda. One such change and subsequent discussion validated the point that often times activists work in isolation and/or lack adequate mentorship and support. Knowing this, all individuals working for a sane and safe world must better support one another, expand our network, and use new technologies to reinforce the sense of community.

    [Together we can be] 1,000 candles burning as bright as the sun.

    -Jimmy Hurrell

    I will spare you the specifics on the proposed projects out of respect for group members as we continue to discuss appropriate action steps and with the realization that Make Our World 2000 was just one very important step out of many more to come. Please check back with us soon at https://wagingpeace.davidmolinaojeda.com for an update on Foundation efforts to develop a network of other youth organizations around the world working on issues complimentary to our own. Don’t worry. You won’t have to wait long!

     

    [1] Jonathan White, a sociology professor at Colby College in Waterville, Maine, visited the Foundation in November 2000 and discussed one example of such injustice – hunger – with area high school and college students.

     

  • Nagasaki Appeal: The Nagasaki Global Citizens’ Assembly for the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons

    Standing on the threshold of a new century, we concerned global citizens have gathered from throughout the world in Nagasaki, the last city of the departing century to suffer the devastation of a nuclear attack.

    Some half-century ago, humanity embarked on the development of nuclear weapons. These indescribably destructive instruments are capable not only of robbing millions of people of their lives at a single stroke, but also of inflicting lifelong physical and mental anguish on any survivors. The damage resulting from the use of nuclear weapons would extend far beyond the boundaries of the belligerents, having extremely serious consequences for the environment and all living things. Nevertheless, these criminal weapons are still being used by some states for political purposes.

    It is our duty to provide a worthy response to the voices of the hibakusha — the atomic bomb survivors; voices tinged with anxiety stemming from the knowledge that death from not yet fully explained causes may come at any time; voices that say, “Such a tragedy cannot be allowed to be repeated… Before the last of us leaves this world, nuclear weapons must be abolished forever.” It is the sincere desire of the citizens of Nagasaki, that Nagasaki should remain the last city to suffer the calamity of the dropping of an atomic bomb.

    Despite the fact that it has been over a decade since the collapse of the Cold War standoff, there are still over 30,000 nuclear warheads in existence on our fragile planet. The United States and the Russian Federation each continue to maintain several thousand nuclear weapons on hair-trigger alert.

    The International Court of Justice, the world’s supreme legal authority, has ruled that the threat or use of nuclear weapons is a violation of international law. These weapons, which are even more inhumane than biological or chemical weapons, are nonetheless claimed by the few governments which possess them, and by the countries sheltered by the “nuclear umbrella,” as necessary for their security.

    Expectations were raised in May of this year at the 2000 NPT Review Conference when the nuclear weapon states agreed to an “an unequivocal undertaking… to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals…” However, the phrase, “undertake to engage in an accelerated process of negotiations,” had to be eliminated from the draft document in order to avoid the breakdown of the talks.

    The continued existence of nuclear weapons poses a threat to all of humanity, and their use would have catastrophic consequences. The only defense against nuclear catastrophe is the total elimination of nuclear weapons.

    During our conference, we have learned from the stories of many who have suffered from the nuclear age: the hibakusha and downwinders from Hiroshima and Nagasaki; Semipalatinsk, Nevada, and Moruroa; Chernobyl and Tokaimura. The world’s citizens must now be mobilized to form a potent global movement, and it is this force that will compel governments to fulfill their promises. All sectors of the global community must be involved including women, youth, workers, religious communities and indigenous peoples.

    Having concluded four days of discussions in Nagasaki, the concerned global citizens who attended this historic Assembly call for the following actions:

    1. Let the citizens of the world cooperate with like-minded nations in calling for an international conference to negotiate a verifiable treaty for the elimination of nuclear weapons.

    2. The responsibility and the potential role of the Japanese government in the context of the elimination of nuclear weapons is extremely great. We strongly expect Japan to end its dependence on nuclear weapons for national security, and to maximize its contribution to nuclear abolition, for instance, by working towards the establishment of a Northeast Asia nuclear weapon-free zone. We ask the citizens of the world to provide support to the activities of the Japanese people in pressuring their government.

    3. The missile defense programs proposed by the United States for North America and East Asia is preventing nuclear disarmament, and threatening to ignite a new arms race. The current situation must be urgently improved. Let us join hands with US citizens who are calling for the cessation of all missile defense programs, and work for stronger international public opinion on this subject.

    4. All governments should inform their publics about the damage caused by nuclear activities. We call for the reallocation of the resources currently expended on nuclear arms to mitigate and compensate for the human suffering and environmental damage caused by the use of nuclear weapons and the entire process of nuclear development, including uranium mining, reprocessing, testing, and manufacture. Resources should also be provided for the elimination of nuclear weapons and its verification.

    5. We also call for efforts directed toward the stepwise and parallel implementation of various measures, such as the entry-into-force as soon as possible of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty; a total ban on sub-critical and all other forms of nuclear weapons testing; the cut-off and international control of weapons-usable fissile materials; deep reductions of nuclear arsenals; de-alerting; the adoption of no-first-use policies among nuclear weapons states and non-use policies against non-nuclear weapons states; withdrawal of all nuclear weapons from foreign soil and international waters; the establishment of new nuclear weapon-free zones and the strengthening of existing zones; and official rejection of the doctrine of nuclear deterrence. Further, we urgently call for the cessation of nuclear weapons programs by India and Pakistan. Let us use every available opportunity to express the expectations and demands of the world’s citizens.

    Activities aimed at the elimination of nuclear weapons, led by the hibakusha, Abolition 2000 and others, have progressed to the point where “nuclear weapons abolition” has become part of the common vocabulary of international politics and diplomacy. So long as the efforts of the world’s citizens continue, there is bright hope that our objectives will be achieved. The myriad small steps taken by concerned citizens in every conceivable setting will no doubt lead to new and giant strides forward. Let us begin renewed and concerted action directed at the rapid realization of a 21st century free of war, in which the scourge of nuclear weapons is finally removed forever.

  • Peace and Security Begins with Youth

    At the age of 21, I was invited to travel to Japan from 13-21 November 2000 and speak in the Youth Forum of the Nagasaki Global Citizens’ Assembly for the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons. It was an extreme honor to be a speaker at the Assembly. For me, the trip was more of a pilgrimage to the crime scene of the last atomic bomb dropping and it reminded me why I chose to work on nuclear abolition. Being in Nagasaki was a time to commemorate and honor those who have suffered so long from the production and development of nuclear weapons and energy.

    More than 200 young people and adults attended the Youth Forum held at Shiroyama Elementary School, a symbolic place for the workshop because the original was devastated on 9 August 1945, when the atomic bomb, code named “fatman” was dropped on the city. I was asked to speak at the Youth Forum because I believe that young people have a tremendous responsibility to effectuate the change needed to abolish war and all weapons of mass destruction. Peace and security are age-old issues that have been around since the advent of war. The existence of war and nuclear weapons evidences our insecurity and our inability to understand how our actions affect others. As human beings, we desire to be secure, yet we have some-how deemed it in our nature to live in fear of each other and therefore we try to justify our urge to resolve conflicts through violent means. Today, we have the greatest opportunity to make peace and security a reality in this globalized world and we as young people have the obligation to achieve it.

    Like many young people in countries that are termed “developed,” I did not grow up truly understanding the threat that nuclear weapons pose to the existence of Earth and its inhabitants. In fact, to the contrary, I grew up falsely believing that we need nuclear weapons to protect us and that war was necessary to resolve conflict. However, when I was 12 years old, I had the opportunity to visit Guatemala for the first time. In Guatemala, I experienced first-hand the devastation that war and weapons cause. It was there that I first began to understand how fortunate I was to grow up in a prosperous country where most people live free from the threat of war. However, it was not until I was studying Spanish and Global Peace and Security at the University of California at Santa Barbara that I realized how the belligerent, arrogant and willfully ignorant behavior of “developed” countries prevented “developing” countries from ever realizing lasting peace and security.

    After graduating from UCSB in 1999, I became the Coordinator for Abolition 2000, a global network of more than 2000 organizations and municipalities working together to achieve a nuclear weapons convention and redress the environmental devastation and human suffering caused by the nuclear cycle. There are many people around the world who believe this is possible and many of the international leaders of the nuclear weapons abolition movement participated in the Nagasaki Assembly. Despite growing international consensus for nuclear weapons abolition, there are very few young people who know about the nuclear issue and even fewer who are actively working to abolish nuclear weapons. Unfortunately, many young people do not understand that the nuclear cycle affects them and will continue to affect them for many years to come.

    The Youth Forum of the Nagasaki Assembly demonstrated that young people do care about making a difference, especially after they gain consciousness of an issue. Knowledge may give individuals power, but it also obligates responsibility. As young people we are responsible to share what we know about peace and security issues with our friends, our families, our communities and all those with whom we come in contact. We must realize that as individuals, the knowledge we have gives us the power to make a difference and we must not be afraid to stand up and be a voice for positive change. As Mahatmas Ghandi said, “We must be the change we wish to see in the world.” Learning about an issue is the first step to realizing the responsibility we have as young people, but knowing is simply not enough. We must also actively work to achieve the secure and peaceful world we envision.

    At the close of the Youth Forum, I asked the participants as young people and as citizens of Nagasaki to be a strong voice for the abolition of nuclear weapons and to remind the world of the horrors that these indiscriminate weapons cause. The citizens of Nagasaki can speak from experience of the unjustness and devastation of the use of nuclear weapons.

    As a token of my appreciation, I gave each participant of the Youth Forum a packet of sunflower seeds to plant as a symbol of hope and a vision of a world free of nuclear contamination. Sunflowers became the symbol of the nuclear abolition movement on 4 June 1996, the day the US, Russia and the Ukraine celebrated the last missile being removed Ukrainian soil, making it a nuclear weapons free country. William J. Perry, former US Secretary of Defense stated on this day, “Sunflowers instead of missiles in the soil will ensure peace for future generations.” On the inside of the sunflower seed packet, was a petition calling upon the leaders of the nuclear weapons states to immediately begin negotiations to abolish nuclear weapons and redress the environmental degradation and human suffering caused by more than 55 years of nuclear weapons testing and production. The participants were asked to sign the petition and to return the petition to Abolition 2000 in care of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, which has collected signatures on this petition from more than 13.4 million individuals world-wide.

    During my speech, I also encouraged the young people to be involved politically. Many young people, especially in the US, tend to be apathetic to how their government acts. But governments only have the authority to rule based on the will of the people it governs. We must constantly remind our governments of their responsibility to us their citizens as well as their obligation to citizens around the world. Many participants made a commitment to write letters on a regular basis to their Prime Minister, urging him to support a treaty to abolish nuclear weapons.

    It is very easy to be apathetic to peace and security issues as, unfortunately, many young people are, but even taking the smallest action will make a world of difference. As youth, we have the greatest challenge, but also the greatest potential to create a world that is just and secure for all.

  • Learning About Peacemaking Is a Step Toward Ending Violence

    Orginally published in the Los Angeles Times Ventura County Edition

    Martin Luther King, Jr. said that our choice is not between nonviolence and violence, but a choice between nonviolence and nonexistence. Statistically we are told that crime has steadily decreased for the past eight years, however we also feel an increasingly random, yet eerily personalized, degree of susceptibility to being victimized. Our neighborhoods and schools, once thought inviolable, are now the target of more bold perpetrators. And yet we have a choice: be a part of the problem or a part of the solution.

    But what’s the solution?

    How do we fix our ‘gated community’ mentality, mend our broken relationships, care for the castaways in society, and work toward achieving solidarity, tolerance, and peace? By making a commitment to educating the next generation of leaders, our young people, in the ways of nonviolence. If our human species is to survive, we must change the way we are doing things. Many of us feel helpless to fix our own personal troubles, much less rid the world of nuclear weapons, abolish the death penalty, make a more egalitarian economy, and protect global human rights. Violence originates in fear, which is rooted in misunderstanding, which comes from ignorance. And you fix ignorance through education.

    Violence is like a dandelion-filled yard. We tug at the stems and step on the flowers – and rather than ridding the yard of this nuisance weed, we beget more of them. Yet when we pull up the flower by the roots, we have isolated the problem and fixed it. Nonviolence education is like this. Educating young people about how to deal with the problems they face on a daily basis, as well as how to organize to fix world issues, is the most effective means to solving the endemic violence which has infiltrated nearly every corner of society.

    Through a structured, semester-long curriculum, students from junior high through college can read about the foundations, successes, and actors in the nonviolence movement. Exposing a young student to Gandhi and Thoreau can cause a permanent commitment to living a life of nonviolence. At the very least, it allows students to examine the institutional paradigms which govern their lives, like selective service registration, disparity of allocated funds for violent causes versus nonviolent ones, or perhaps conscientious purchasing power and food consumption. Nonviolence education stresses the availability of alternative options in conflict, like mediation and creative dispute resolution. Making an educational commitment to studying peace in our violence-inundated world is the very least we owe our future generations to whom we have left a legacy of destruction and might-makes-right domination.

    Societal trends seem to be working against the nonviolence cause. For example,our government allocates $289 billion for the Pentagon, and only $25 billion to Aid for Families with Dependent Children. Our justice system continues to be punitive rather than restorative, with little or no rehabilitation occurring in detention facilities despite the obvious need. New laws penalize communities and provide nothing for the welfare of victims nor restore the dignity of offenders, like the juvenile justice legislation Proposition 21 which was passed on March 7. We teach our children capitalistic consumerism yet tell them nothing about the lives of the workers who slave to assemble designer clothing, nor do we tell them about the animals which suffered to create fashion or food, nor do we inform them of the environmental impact of the trash which they create. And by no means do we tell them that these situations are inextricably linked, either.

    Yet there is hope! Learning about peacemaking is the first step to righting these inegalitarian situations. Students become aware that injustices exist; they then accept these injustices as tangible and real. Next, students must absorb this information in a utilitarian way; finally, they are ready to take action. The beauty of nonviolence curriculum is that it is available to everyone: it works at Georgetown University, as well as at maximum-security juvenile detention facilities. Deep-thinking is highly encouraged, and reflective and action-oriented writing is often assigned to students in nonviolence classes. Because this material speaks to students as co-proprietors of authority, rather than as subordinates, they tend to internalize the pacifist messages quickly and discreetly. It subtly permeates their thoughts and actions.

    We cannot continue to cheat our students by doling out tidbits of revisionist history. They deserve to know about Jeanette Rankin, Dorothy Day, and Oscar Romero. Institutionalizing nonviolence remains the goal, and to clearly send that message we must bring this peace studies class to our school boards and curriculum committees, and maintain persistence and fidelity to the cause of peacemaker education.

  • The Spirit of the Olympics: An Open Letter to the International Olympic Committee

    Dear Mr. Samaranch and members of the International Olympic Committee :

    I love the spirit of the Olympics. It’s wonderful to be able to witness the talent and grace of the athletes, and also to learn their stories. They are often stories of struggle and human triumph over adversity. They are always stories of discipline, perseverance and remarkable achievement. It is also great to watch the concentration on the faces of the athletes and to see their smiles and their comraderie after they have completed their events.

    The Olympics is a special celebration – one that belongs to all humanity. With this in mind, there are some things that could be done to improve the Olympic Games. Above all flags of the nations should be flown the Earth flag (as viewed from outer space) and the Olympic flag. We need these symbols of our common humanity and shared heritage. We need to be reminded that we are all one people regardless of where we reside on Earth. We also need an Earth anthem for the Olympic Games and other global occasions.

    I also think that it is not in the spirit of the Olympics to allow television advertisements for military recruiting. It was offensive to the Olympic spirit to have recruiting advertisements on NBC by the US Air Force showing one of its more advanced aircraft, a plane designed to drop bombs on people. Such advertising undermines the peaceful and cooperative spirit of the Olympic Games. It should be prohibited by the International Olympic Committee in future contracts with the television networks. I would also suggest prohibiting advertising from corporations known to abuse human rights.

    The majesty of the human spirit at the Olympics reminds us that everyone has the right to live with dignity. Every individual on the planet deserves a world at peace, free of the threat of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. The greatness of the Olympics should lift the human spirit, and not be tarnished by appeals to nationalism or by military recruiting. The Olympic Games, with their embrace of planethood, should promote peace, human rights, and the dignity of all human beings.

    With very best regards.
    Sincerely,

    David Krieger
    President