Category: Marshall Islands

  • Expendable Lands and Colonial Legacies: Nuclear Testing in the Marshall Islands

    Expendable Lands and Colonial Legacies: Nuclear Testing in the Marshall Islands

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    Nuclear colonialism refers to the practice whereby colonial powers choose territories inhabited by marginalized and indigenous populations to conduct nuclear testing with little regard for the effects on the local populations. The term encapsulates the colonialist view of Indigenous peoples and their territories as expendable. This attitude of expendability is foundational to colonialism and its legacies; nuclear colonialism represents one particularly dramatic phase in a lengthy, destructive history and its perpetuating legacy.

    Beginning in 1945 and throughout the Cold War, over two thousand nuclear tests were conducted in various territories by various states, with the U.S. responsible for the majority of these tests. The U.S. Government’s process of selecting the Marshall Islands for nuclear testing reveals the colonialist attitudes that informed its decision. The search criteria required that the territory be remote, away from U.S. populations, and under U.S. control. When testifying to Congress, officials brazenly said of the site, “Above all, it had to be away from population centers of U.S. …  and yet in an area controlled by the U.S.” The Marshall Islands fulfilled every criterion: a remote island archipelago in the Pacific Ocean under U.S. occupation since 1944, following two years in which the U.S. military transformed the territory into a battlefield while driving out the Japanese military administration. The U.S. wasted no time in using the already ravaged islands for military ends: on July 1, 1946—less than a year after the devastating nuclear bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki—the first peacetime nuclear test was conducted on Bikini Atoll. Between 1946 and 1958, the U.S. conducted 66 additional nuclear tests on the islands concentrated on two atolls, but the fallout blanketed many of the other 27 atolls that make up the Marshall Islands.

    In 1947, the United Nations officially placed the Marshall Islands under the trusteeship of the U.S. The stipulations of this agreement included paradoxical obligations, spelled out in Articles 5 and 6 of the document. Article 5 obligated the U.S. to ensure the trust territory contributed to “the maintenance of international peace and security,” thus validating its use for military ends. Article 6, conversely, sets forth the obligations of the governing state to ensure and promote the governed territory’s independence, protection, and security. It explicitly states the obligation to “protect the inhabitants against the loss of their lands and resources.” While the agreement lacked explicit permission to use the territories for nuclear testing, both the broad administrative and military control it granted the U.S. and the narrative that the tests were imperative to national security justified the testing that took place. The known effects of nuclear testing meant that any nuclear explosions on the islands rendered the obligation from Article 6 impossible to uphold; in fact, any testing directly ensured the violation of the obligation. Not only have the Marshallese experienced devastating health consequences—including higher incidences of cancer—but significant radiological contamination remains on the islands, including in the locally grown foods, rendering parts of the Marshall Islands uninhabitable. This contamination robs displaced Marshallese people of the opportunity to safely inhabit their native lands and live according to their culture and tradition. Although certain compensation schemes have been set up over the last few decades, they remain egregiously inadequate to address the scale of the problem, including the devastating health impacts and the ongoing environmental challenges.  

    The Broader Context of U.S. Colonial Exploitation

    The willingness of the U.S. to exploit the Marshall Islands under nuclear colonialism is only one piece of a vast colonial legacy. Since the 19th century, the U.S. has continuously annexed territories under conditions that sanction their exploitation, as evidenced by the U.S.’s acquisition of Guam, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines following the conclusion of the Spanish-American war in 1898. Shortly following the annexation of these territories, U.S. senator Albert Beveridge remarked “that God ‘has made us the master organizers of the world…that we may administer…among savages and senile peoples.’” After acquiring these territories, the Supreme Court ruled that they would remain under U.S. control as unincorporated territories in the Insular Cases. This served to prevent the full realization of constitutional rights for the citizens of these territories. In keeping the territories unincorporated, the U.S. retained plenary power over these regions, enabling them to implement policies and decisions without the consent of the governed. The strategic classification of the territories as constitutional exceptions was informed by the settler colonization of Native American peoples and territories and made on the basis that the inhabitants—like Native Americans—were “unfit for automatic citizenship or for territorial sovereignty.” The colonialist attitudes that informed the decision to deprive these territories of constitutional protections paved the avenue for their exploitation. Like all other colonized territories, Puerto Rico draws remarkable parallels to the Marshall Islands. Puerto Ricans posed minimal resistance to U.S. control in 1898 under the impression that U.S. occupation would facilitate their independence. However, U.S. interest in Puerto Rico was strategic, fueled by the compelling economic and military value the territory would provide. The region was ideal for expanding U.S. commercial and military reach.

    In pursuit of these military and economic ends, the U.S. displaced Puerto Ricans, exploited their lands, and disrupted their ways of life. These actions have resulted in significant environmental damage and health issues, such as contamination of land and water sources, increased cancer rates, and other chronic illnesses among the local population. Today, the Marshall Islands and Puerto Rico remain hindered by their history of occupation. Both territories struggle to realize economic independence due to the systemic exploitation of their resources and people by colonial powers. Their ongoing economic challenges and public health crises result directly from the policies and actions of the U.S. and its failure to compensate the territories adequately.

    This history of exploitation and disregard for Indigenous and marginalized populations underscores the broader patterns of colonialism that persist in various forms. Nuclear colonialism, as illustrated by the U.S. actions in the Marshall Islands, is a stark reminder of how colonial legacies continue to inflict harm and maintain inequities. Nuclear testing is extraordinary in the novelty and nature of the weapons and their effects but very typical in terms of how former colonial powers treat smaller populations and territories under their control—as expendable.   

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  • Remembering Castle Bravo 69 Years Later

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    Castle Bravo Blast (Public Domain)

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    Castle Bravo is the largest nuclear weapon test the United States (US) ever conducted. It was a seminal event in the nuclear testing history of the Marshall Islands. It is also part of a shameful legacy for those of us who consider ourselves American. Today, the Marshallese people in the Marshall Islands and in diaspora, remember and commemorate Castle Bravo, an event that must never be forgotten.

    The Bravo explosion took place on March 1, 1954 in the northern part of Bikini Atoll, one of 29 coral atolls in the Marshall Islands. The explosion yielded the energy equivalent of 15 Megatons (or about 33 billion pounds) of TNT, or 1000 Hiroshima bombs. The blast evaporated an island, forming a deep crater in the Bikini lagoon. The resulting mushroom cloud reached a height of 25 miles into the atmosphere and spread radioactive fallout throughout the atoll, across other Marshallese atolls, and around the world. For decades, the US government has claimed that Bravo was an accident, both because it was more powerful than expected and because the winds had changed, leading to significant radiation fallout on populated atolls, like Rongelap. Recently declassified documents suggest that the claims of an accident are not truthful (see for example here, courtesy of late Bill Graham via Giff Johnson).

    Two communities have arguably been the most affected by Bravo: the Bikinians, who had moved out of their atoll in February of 1946 to make room for the US nuclear testing program, and the Rongelapese, who were living on the lush Rongelap Island, a mere 100 miles away, on that fateful day when radioactive fallout blanketed their islands and lagoon like snow. One could make the case that it is thanks to Bravo that Bikinians cannot return to live in their home islands more than 77 years after the US nuclear testing began. For the people of Rongelap, who similarly remain refugees in their own country, the loss of their land and culture is part of their history of suffering, which includes physical and mental health impacts stemming from the exposure to radiation in the aftermath of the Bravo test. By nightfall, many in the community, children in particular, were gravely ill with radiation poisoning. They were not evacuated until three days later and remain in exile nearly 69 years after Bravo.

    It’s not that people haven’t tried to return home. After the testing program ended in 1958, the people of Bikini slowly attempted to reoccupy their lands in the late 1960s, only to leave again in 1978, when it became clear that staying meant continued exposure to large and unacceptable doses of radiation. Measurements made from 2015-2018 by a Columbia University research team that I was a part of suggest that Bikini is still not ready to permanently host a multigenerational community, absent an extensive cleanup effort. Note that I stress the word “permanent;” a brief visit to Bikini is fine, but living there 24/7, 365 days a year for many years, is not. Moreover, given that radiation impacts people differently by age and possibly even sex, resettlement of a community that includes young children and pregnant women can only follow a careful decontamination program. Hence the emphasis on the word multigenerational.

    The situation is a bit more complicated in Rongelap Atoll, where our team found that radiological contamination on Rongelap Island, where people previously lived, has been largely, if not entirely, contained. But we also found disturbing evidence of high levels of external gamma radiation and high levels of plutonium in the soil in Naen, an island in the north of the Rongelap Atoll. Although the Rongelapese did not traditionally use Naen for their living quarters, they did use it – and other islands throughout the atoll – as a pantry island, where they collected food. The conditions in Naen and in other islands of the atoll need to be far better understood and potentially addressed, before a permanent and multigenerational community could return to Rongelap.

    The focus here on Bikini and Rongelap is not to say that other atolls were not affected, just that these may have been the most affected. At the time of Bravo, people were also living in Alluk, Likiep, Utirik, and throughout the Marshall Islands. A comprehensive survey of current radiological conditions is desperately needed for the entire country, with an emphasis on atolls closest to the former testing sites. In 2017, the Columbia team was able to visit Utirik and we found little to no evidence of elevated levels of radiation. This is encouraging, although not definitive, as our measurements were limited in scope and number.

    The Marshall Islands suffered 67 nuclear tests, which corresponded to 55% of the total energy yield of all US nuclear weapon tests. Bravo was the largest and the most devastating due to the fallout spread, but there were many other large (hydrogen bomb) tests. Several actually took place in the same part of the Bikini lagoon as Bravo, leading to a complex crater that today has a depth of ~50 m, and according to two Columbia studies, hosts a variety of radioactive contaminants (see here and here). The ocean is filling in this crater at a rate of about one foot per year (or one meter every three years), as if it knows that it must treat its own scars, with people seemingly not ready to heal them.

    The legacy of Bravo must not be forgotten. Indeed, it must be recognized, understood, and properly addressed.

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  • The World Loses a Hero in Tony de Brum, Former Foreign Minister of the Marshall Islands and Staunch Nuclear Weapons Abolitionist

    Tony de BrumTony de Brum, former Foreign Minister of the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI), passed away on August 22, 2017. He was a powerful and inspiring voice for the abolition of nuclear weapons as well as climate sanity. He was a visionary leader, respected and admired throughout the world for his strength, wisdom, warmth and unceasing optimism.

    Born in 1945, de Brum was one of the first Marshall Islanders to graduate from college. He played a key role in the negotiations that led to the first compact of free association between the U.S. and the RMI, and participated in the development of the Constitution of the Republic of the Marshall Islands.

    Between the years 1946 and 1958, the U.S. used the Marshall Islands as a nuclear testing ground, detonating 67 nuclear and thermonuclear weapons in the atmosphere and under the waters of this small island nation. Tony de Brum was a “nuclear witness” to many of them.

    As a nine-year-old boy living on Likiep Atoll at the time of the Castle Bravo nuclear test – an explosion 1,000 times more powerful than the Hiroshima bomb, de Brum remembered, “Bravo went off with a very bright flash, almost a blinding flash; bear in mind we were almost 200 miles away from ground zero. No sound, just a flash and then a force, the shock wave – as if you were under a glass bowl and someone poured blood over it. Everything turned red: sky, the ocean, the fish, my grandfather’s net. People in Rongelap claim they saw the sun rising from the West.”

    De Brum worked selflessly throughout his life for the people of the Marshall Islands. Eventually, his vision and efforts for peace, justice and a world without nuclear weapons extended to people everywhere.

    “Tony and I first met at the University of Hawaii in the mid 1960s. We reconnected later when Tony was an official of the RMI and we were both working to abolish nuclear weapons,” said David Krieger, President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation (NAPF). “I was impressed by his commitment to go beyond his island nation and play a leadership role in ending the nuclear weapons era.”

    In 2012, NAPF honored de Brum with its Distinguished Peace Leadership Award for his exceptional efforts on behalf of the Marshall Islands victims of nuclear testing. De Brum accepted the award in Santa Barbara at the Foundation’s annual Evening For Peace. This led to further collaboration with de Brum and brainstorming about what meaningful steps could be taken to awaken the world to the need for nuclear abolition.

    In 2014, the Republic of the Marshall Islands, led by Minister de Brum, filed the Nuclear Zero Lawsuits in the International Court of Justice, landmark cases against the nine nuclear-armed nations “for failing to comply with their obligations under international law to pursue negotiations in good faith for the worldwide elimination of nuclear weapons.” NAPF was a consultant to the RMI on the cases, working side by side with de Brum and a pro bono legal team for more than four years. Krieger noted, “Tony demonstrated courage and integrity in his willingness to hold the nine nuclear-armed nations to account in fulfilling their legal obligations to rid the world of nuclear weapons. These lawsuits would never have occurred without the courage of Tony de Brum.”

    In 2015, De Brum and the people of the Marshall Islands received the Right Livelihood Award “in recognition of their vision and courage to prosecute nuclear powers that do not respect their disarmament obligations under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons.” De Brum and the Marshall Islanders were voted “2016 Arms Control Persons of the Year” by the Arms Control Association. Lastly, Minister de Brum and the Marshall Islanders were nominated for the 2016 Nobel Peace Prize.

    De Brum was also well known in international circles for his strong advocacy for curtailing climate change, which disproportionally affects small island states like the RMI. He spoke on these issues at the United Nations and was the keynote speaker for the Seventh Regional Conference on Island Sustainability last year in Guam.

    Throughout his life, Tony de Brum never wavered from his commitment to abolish the weapons that damaged his country and its people, and continues to threaten all of humanity. He showed the world that even a leader from a tiny island nation, with vision and persistence, could have significant global impact.

    Tony de Brum was a warrior for peace, disciplined and committed to overcoming all obstacles on the path to a better world. He will be sorely missed, but his words will continue to inspire: “We will never give up. We have a voice that will not be silenced until the world is rid of all nuclear weapons.”

    # # #

    To read Tony de Brum’s acceptance speech from the 2012 Evening For Peace, click here.
    To arrange an interview with David Krieger, President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, please contact Sandy Jones at sjones@napf.org or (805) 965-3443.

    About the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation:
    Founded in 1982, the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation’s mission is to educate and advocate for peace and a world free of nuclear weapons and to empower peace leaders. The Foundation is a non-partisan, non-profit organization with consultative status to the United Nations and is comprised of individuals and groups worldwide who realize the imperative for peace in the Nuclear Age. For more information, visit www.wagingpeace.org

  • Marshall Islands Nuclear Zero Lawsuit Appeal Dismissed by Ninth Circuit Court

    For Immediate Release

    Contact:

    Sandy Jones 805.965.3443; sjones@napf.org

    MARSHALL ISLANDS’ NUCLEAR ZERO LAWSUIT APPEAL DISMISSED IN NINTH CIRCUIT COURT

    San Francisco–The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals today ruled to affirm the U.S. Federal District Court’s dismissal of the Nuclear Zero lawsuit, brought by the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI).

    The lawsuit sought a declaration that the United States was in breach of its treaty obligations under Article VI of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and international law, and asked the court to order that the United States engage in good-faith negotiations.

    The suit also contended that the United States clearly violated its legal obligations to pursue nuclear disarmament by spending large sums of money to enhance its nuclear arsenal. The U.S. plans to spend an estimated $1 trillion on nuclear weapons over the next three decades. President Trump has said he wants to build up the U.S. nuclear arsenal to ensure it is at the “top of the pack,” saying the United States has “fallen behind in its nuclear weapons capacity.”

    The case was initially dismissed on February 3, 2015 on the jurisdictional grounds of standing and political question doctrine without getting to the merits of the case. Oral arguments were then heard in the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals on March 15, 2017.

    The ruling today from the court held that Article VI was non-self-executing and therefore not judicially enforceable. The panel also found that the Marshall Islands’ claims presented inextricable political questions that were nonjusticiable and must be dismissed.

    Laurie Ashton, lead attorney representing the Marshall Islands commented, “Today’s decision is very disappointing.  But it is also more than that, because it undercuts the validity of the NPT. There has never been a more critical time to enforce the legal obligations to negotiate in good faith for nuclear disarmament.  While the Ninth Circuit decision focuses on its inability to judicially determine the parameters of such negotiations, which are at the discretion of the Executive, with respect, the Court failed to acknowledge the pleading of the RMI, supported by the declarations of experts, that such negotiations have never taken place.  At issue was whether Article VI requires the US to at least attend such negotiations, or whether it may continue to boycott them, as it did with the Nuclear Ban Treaty negotiations. To that we have no answer.”

    Marshall Islanders suffered catastrophic and irreparable damages to their people and homeland when the U.S. conducted 67 nuclear tests on their territory between 1946 and 1958. These tests had the equivalent power of exploding 1.6 Hiroshima bombs daily for 12 years.

    The Marshall Islands did not seek compensation with this lawsuit. Rather, it sought declaratory and injunctive relief requiring the United States to comply with its commitments under the NPT and international law.

    Rick Wayman, Director of Programs for the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation (NAPF) and a consultant to the Marshall Islands in their lawsuit, stated, “This ruling from the Ninth Circuit continues the trend of a complete lack of accountability on the part of the U.S. government for its nuclear proliferation, active participation in a nuclear arms race, and refusal to participate in nuclear disarmament negotiations.”

    Wayman continued, “The Marshall Islanders made a valiant and selfless effort to bring the U.S. into compliance with its existing legal obligations. I deeply appreciate the RMI’s courageous leadership on today’s most pressing existential threat. Together with willing non-nuclear countries and non-governmental organizations around the world, we will continue to work until the scourge of nuclear weapons is eliminated from the earth.”

    The full opinion can be found at http://bit.ly/9th-opinion

    #                                                             #                                                             #

    The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation was founded in1982. Its mission is to educate and advocate for peace and a world free of nuclear weapons and to empower peace leaders. The Foundation is a non-partisan, non-profit organization with consultative status to the United Nations and is comprised of some 80,000 individuals and groups worldwide who realize the imperative for peace in the Nuclear Age.

  • Castle Bravo: Sixty Years of Nuclear Pain

    As the trustee of the United Nations Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands, the United States had an obligation to protect the health and welfare of the Marshall Islanders.  Instead, the U.S. conducted 67 nuclear tests in the Marshall Islands between 1946 and 1958.  These 67 nuclear tests had an explosive power equivalent to 1.6 Hiroshima bombs daily for 12 years.  In short, the U.S. used these islands shamefully, and the Marshallese people continue to suffer today as a result.

    Castle Bravo Nuclear ExplosionMarch 1, 2014 marks the 60th anniversary of the Castle Bravo nuclear test, the largest and most devastating nuclear test ever conducted by the U.S.  At 15-megatons, this single blast at Bikini Atoll in the Marshall Islands was 1,000 times more powerful than the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima.  Because the Castle Bravo test was done near ground level, the radiation fallout was far greater than that at either Hiroshima or Nagasaki, where the bombs were exploded well above ground level.

    According to a report presented to the U.N. Human Rights Council in September 2012 by Special Rapporteur Calin Georgescu, “Radiation from the testing resulted in fatalities and in acute and long-term health complications.  The effects of radiation have been exacerbated by near irreversible environmental contamination, leading to loss of livelihoods and lands.  Moreover, many people continue to experience indefinite displacement.”

    The Castle Bravo nuclear test rained down radiation like soft snow on the people of the Marshalls, who were located on islands outside the designated danger zone.  It was several days before the U.S. evacuated these people away from the radioactive danger, resulting in 60 years of pain, suffering and stillbirths.

    Radiation from the blast traveled over 100 miles to irradiate the Japanese fishing boat, Lucky Dragon.  The boat’s chief radio operator, Aikichi Kuboyama, died less than six months later of radiation poisoning.  He is thought to be the first Japanese victim of a hydrogen bomb.  Kuboyama’s last words were, “I pray that I am the last victim of an atomic or hydrogen bomb.”  This was not to be.

    March 1st will be solemnly remembered this 60th anniversary year in Asia and the Pacific.  In the Marshall Islands, flags will be flown at half-mast during the Nuclear Memorial and Survivors Remembrance Day.

    In the U.S., flags will not fly at half-mast.  Most people will go about their business with little awareness of the tragedy we left in the wake of our nuclear testing, either in the Pacific or on the lands of indigenous peoples in Nevada.  Again, on this 60th anniversary, there will be no apology.  Nor will there be adequate compensation provided to the people of the Marshall Islands for the pain and injury they have suffered from U.S. nuclear testing.

    The anniversary of Castle Bravo is an acute reminder that nuclear weapons leave a legacy of horror.  We must wage all-out peace until we reach Nuclear Zero.  For the sake of the seven billion of us who share this Earth and for the people of the future, we must strive to achieve Nuclear Zero, the only number that makes sense.  Nukes are nuts.

    David Krieger is President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.

  • Bravo: 60 Years of Suffering, Cover-Ups, Injustice

    Sixty years ago on March 1 in the heart of the Pacific Ocean, the United States detonated the most powerful nuclear weapon in its history.

    Codenamed Bravo, the 15-megaton hydrogen bomb was 1,000 times more powerful than the atomic bomb that devastated Hiroshima nine years earlier. The Bravo blast “represented as revolutionary an advance in explosive power over the atomic bomb as the atomic bomb had over the conventional weapons of World War II,” historian-lawyer Jonathan Weisgall notes.

    Castle Bravo Nuclear ExplosionAlso unlike Hiroshima’s A-bomb, Bravo was laced with plutonium, a most toxic element with a radioactive existence of half a million years that may be hazardous to humans for at least half that time.

    And, unlike the atomic airburst above Hiroshima, Bravo was a shallow-water ground burst.  It vaporized three of the 23 islands of tiny Bikini Atoll, 2,600 miles southwest of Hawaii, and created a crater that is visible from space.

    A fireball nearly as hot as the center of the sun sucked unto itself water, mud and millions of tons of coral that had been pulverized into ash by the incredible explosion; these clung to tons of radioactive uranium fragments.  The fireball swooshed heavenwards, forming a shimmering white mushroom cloud that hovered over the proving grounds of Bikini and Enewetak atolls, whose inhabitants had earlier been evacuated.

    Wafting eastward, the cloud powdered 236 islanders on Rongelap and Utrik atolls and 28 U.S. servicemen. The islanders played with, drank and ate the snowflake-like particles for days and began suffering nausea, hair loss, diarrhea and skin lesions when they were finally evacuated to a U.S. military clinic.

    These islanders had become a unique medical case. As scientist Neal Hines explains, “Never before in history had an isolated human population been subjected to high but sublethal amounts of radioactivity without the physical and psychological complexities associated with nuclear explosion.”

    Bravo bequeathed the world a new word: fallout.  Even before Bravo, experts—but not the public–knew that the radioactive dust of atmospheric nuclear weapons explosions was invisibly powdering the continental U.S. and touching others worldwide. But Bravo for the first time revealed to the world a new kind of invisible menace, a danger that could not be smelled, seen, felt or tasted.  Bravo exposed radioactive fallout as, what Weisgall calls, “a biological weapon of terror.” It visibly ushered in the globalization of radioactive pollution.

    For these islanders, Bravo also ushered in 60 years of sufferings and a chain reaction of U.S. cover-ups and injustices, as detailed below.  Over the decades, their pleas for just and adequate compensation and U.S. constitutional rights they had been promised were rejected by the U.S. courts, including the U.S. Supreme Court, by Congress and by executive-branch administrations headed by presidents of either party.

    SNUBBED BY “AMERICA’S FIRST PACIFIC PRESIDENT”

    The silence by today’s administration of President Obama is acutely embarrassing, given that shortly after his election he described himself as “America’s first Pacific president,” and promised to “strengthen and sustain our leadership in this vitally important part of the world.”

    Since then, Obama has initiated a “pivot” to the Pacific by beefing up and re-positioning U.S.  military units in the region.  But he failed to acknowledge or recognize that these remote Pacific atolls had served after World War II as proving grounds vital for U.S. superpower status today.  They provided sites for nuclear-weapons tests too powerful and unpredictable to be detonated in the 48 contiguous states and for tests enabling the transition in nuclear delivery systems from conventional bombers to intercontinental missiles—Star-War-like tests that still continue.

    More recently, also ignoring the moral implications undergirding Marshallese pleas, Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel called on U.S. military leaders to better instill ethics in their services so as to ensure “moral character and moral courage.”

    He issued his instructions for more accountability in the wake of investigations into cheating scandals on proficiency and training tests given to nuclear-related personnel in the Navy and Air Force. The Pentagon is also investigating possible illegal drug violations by 11 Air Force officers, including some responsible for launching America’s deadly nuclear missiles.

    U.N. CRITICIZES U.S. ON HUMAN RIGHTS

    If U.S. nuclear weapons testing in the Pacific is un-remembered by the American government, it has not been forgotten internationally.  While the U.S. regularly castigates the governments of China and Russia for human rights abuses or violations, a special United Nations report urges the U.S. government to remedy and compensate Marshall Islanders for its nuclear weapons testing that has caused “immediate and lasting effects” on their human rights.

    “Radiation from the testing resulted in fatalities and in acute and long-term health complications,” according to the report presented to the U.N. Human Rights Council in September 2012 by Special Rapporteur Calin Georgescu.  “The effects of radiation have been exacerbated by near-irreversible environmental contamination, leading to the loss of livelihoods and lands.  Moreover, many people continue to experience indefinite displacement.”

    The report also urged the U.S. to provide more compensation and to consider issuing a presidential acknowledgment and apology to victims adversely affected by its tests.

    The international community and the U.N. “has an ongoing obligation to encourage a final and just resolution for the Marshallese people,” the report reads, because they placed the Marshallese under the U.S.-administered strategic trusteeship for 40-plus years from 1947 until 1990. These international groups might consider a more comprehensive compilation of scientific findings “on this regrettable episode in human history.”

    As the sole administrator for the U.N.-sanctioned trust territory, the U.S. government pledged in 1947 “to protect the inhabitants against the loss of their lands and resources.”  Instead, the U.S. from 1946 to 1958 conducted 67 atomic and hydrogen tests in the Marshall Islands, with a total yield of 108 megatons, which is 98 times greater than the total yield of all the U.S. nuclear tests conducted in Nevada and is equivalent to 7,200 Hiroshima-size bombs.  That works out to an average of more than 1.6 Hiroshima-size bombs per day for the 12 years.

    In addition, the U.S. as the trust administrator was obliged “to protect the health of the inhabitants.” But the Bravo blast, more than any other single detonation, made visible to the world the adverse health and environmental effects these islanders suffered.  Bravo was the first  U.S. hydrogen device that could be delivered by airplane and was designed to catch up with the Soviets who had six months earlier exploded their aircraft-deliverable hydrogen bomb.

    A CHAIN REACTION OF COVER-UPS & “ASHES OF DEATH”

    A U.S. cover-up began just hours after the Bravo weapon was detonated.   Hardly a “routine atomic test” as it was officially described, Bravo initially created a radioactive, leaf-shaped plume that turned into a lethal zone covering 7,000 square miles—that is, the distance from Washington to New York. Then, radioactive snow-like particles began descending 100 to 280 miles away over lands, lagoons and inhabitants of Rongelap and Utrik atolls.  Within three days, 236 islanders were evacuated to a U.S. Navy clinic.

    The U.S. had hoped to keep the evacuation secret but a personal letter from Corporal Don Whitaker to his hometown newspaper in Cincinnati shared his observations of the distraught islanders arriving at the clinic.  The U.S. then issued a press release saying the islanders were “reported well.”  But gripping photographs taken at the time and later published in the Journal of the American Medical Association documented a 7-year-old girl whose hair had tufted out and a 13-year-old boy with a close-up of the back of the head showing a peeling off of the skin, a loss of hair and a persistent sore on his left ear. Others had lower blood counts that weaken resistance to infections.  Decades later, in 1982, a U.S. agency described Bravo as “the worst single incident of fallout exposures in all the U.S. atmospheric testing program.”Just days after the Cincinnati newspaper expose, another surprise stunned the U.S. government and the world. News accounts reported 23 crew members of a Japanese tuna trawler, the No. 5 Fukuryu Maru (the “Lucky Dragon”) had also been Bravo-dusted with what is known in Japan as shi no hai, or “ashes of death.”

    When the trawler reached home port near Tokyo two weeks after the Bravo explosion, the crews’ radiation sickness and the trawler’s radioactive haul of tuna shocked U.S. officials and created panic at fish markets in Japan and the West Coast. The Japanese government and public described the Lucky Dragon uproar as “a second Hiroshima” and it nearly led to severing diplomatic relations.

    A U.S. doctor dispatched by the government to Japan predicted the crew would recover within a month.  But, six months later, the Lucky Dragon’s 40-year-old radio operator, Aikichi Kuboyama, died.  The New York Times described him as “probably the world’s first hydrogen-bomb casualty.”

    The U.S. cover stories for Bravo’s disastrous results plus subsequent official cover-ups at the time—and continuing today–were that the might of the Bravo shot was greater than had been expected and that the winds shifted at the last minute unexpectedly to waft radioactivity over inhabited areas.  Both cover stories have since been rebutted by revelations in once-secret official documents and by testimonies of two U.S. servicemen who were also Bravo-dusted on Rongerik Atoll.

    A STRING OF UNENDING INJUSTICES

    Within days after the Bravo shot, the U.S. cover-up had secretly taken a more menacing turn.  In an injustice exposing disregard for human health, the Bravo-exposed islanders were swept into a top-secret project in which they were used as human subjects to research the effects of radioactive fallout.

    A week after Bravo, on March 8, at the Navy clinic on Kwajalein, E.P. Cronkite, one of the U.S. medical personnel dispatched there shortly after the islanders’ arrival, was handed a “letter of instruction” establishing “Project 4.1.” It was titled the “Study of Response of Human Beings Exposed to Significant Beta and Gamma Radiation Due to Fallout from High Yield Weapons.” To avoid negative publicity, the document had been classified as “Secret Restricted Data” until 1994, four years after the end of U.S. responsibilities for its trusteeship at the U.N. and when the Clinton Administration began an open-government initiative.
    It would be 40 years before islanders learned the true nature of Project 4.1.  Documents declassified since 1994 show that four months before the Bravo shot, on November 10, 1953, U.S. officials had listed Project 4.1 to research the effects of fallout radiation on human beings as among 48 experiments to be conducted during the test, thus seeming to indicate that using islanders as guinea pigs was premeditated. However, an advisory commission appointed by President Clinton in 1994 indicated “there was insufficient evidence to demonstrate intentional human testing on Marshallese.”

    For this human-subject research, the islanders had neither been asked nor gave their informed consent—which was established as an essential international standard when the Nuremberg code was written following the war crimes convictions of German medical officers.

    Under Project 4.1, the exposed Rongelapese were studied yearly and so were the Utrik Islanders after thyroid nodules began appearing on them in 1963. The islanders began complaining they were being treated like guinea pigs in a laboratory experiment rather than sick humans deserving treatment.  A doctor who evaluated them annually came close to agreeing when he wrote 38 years after Bravo, “In retrospect, it was unfortunate that the AEC [Atomic Energy Commission], because it was a research organization, did not include support of basic health care of populations under study.”

    During this time, Bravo-dusted islanders developed one of the world’s highest rates of thyroid abnormalities; one third of the Rongelapese developed abnormalities in the thyroid, which controls physical and mental growth, and thus resulted in some cases of mental retardation, lack of vigor and stunted development. Islanders complained of stillborn births, cancers and genetic damage.

    Seven weeks after Bravo, on April 21, Cronkite recommended to military officials that exposed Marshallese generally “should be exposed to no further radiation” for at least 12 years and probably for the rest of their natural lives.

    Yet, three years later, U.S. officials returned the Rongelapese to their radioactive homeland after they had spent three months at the Kwajalein military facility and at Ejit Island.  Besides being Bravo-dusted, their homeland by 1957 had accumulated radioactivity from some of the 34 prior nuclear explosions in the Marshall Islands.  Utrik Islanders were returned home by the U.S. shortly after their medical stay on Kwajalein.

    For 28 years the Rongelapese lived in their radioactive homeland until 1985.  Unable to get answers to their questions, they discounted U.S. assurances that their island was safe.  Failing to provide the Rongelapese “information on their total radiation condition, information that is available, amounts to a coverup,” according to a memo dated July 22, 1985 written by Tommy McCraw of the U.S. Department of Energy’s Office of Nuclear Safety.

    In mid-1985, when the U.S. refused to move them, 300 Rongelapese persuaded the environmental organization Greenpeace to transport them and 100 tons of their building materials 110 miles away to Majetto Island. Many of them have since stayed there because they fear their homeland is still too radioactive even though the U.S. has funded resettlement facilities.

    NEW AGREEMENTS BUILT ON U.S. SECRECY

    In 1986, President Reagan signed the Compact of Free Association with related agreements after its ratification by the central government of the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) and the U.S. Congress, thus ending bilaterally America’s trusteeship arrangement, which was continued by the U.N. Security Council until 1990.

    The Compact recognizes RMI as a sovereign, self-governing independent nation in terms of internal management and international relations but with significant U.S. economic aid and services and continues to reserve to the U.S. government sole military access to RMI’s 700,000 square miles used still for long-range missile tests.

    Yet, during the Compact negotiations, the U.S. government failed to disclose material information about its testing program to the Pacific Islanders.  Not until 1994 did the U.S. government respond favorably to RMI’s Freedom of Information Act request for details about the total number of nuclear tests conducted in its territories as well as the kind and yield of each test.  Newly declassified information then also revealed that more islanders were exposed to radiation than previously admitted by the U.S.  As late as June 2013 the U.S. gave RMI officials 650-plus pages detailing freshly declassified fallout results of 49 Pacific hydrogen-bomb blasts with an explosive force equal to 3,200 Hiroshima-size bombs conducted in only two years–1956 and 1958.

    While the Marshallese were kept in the dark during negotiations about material information, the U.S. crafted Compact agreements that included a provision prohibiting those inhabitants from seeking future legal redress in the U.S. courts and dismissing all current court cases in exchange for a $150 million compensation trust fund to be administered by a Nuclear Claims Tribunal.

    However, that trust fund is now depleted. That fund proved inadequate to pay $14 million in monies already awarded for personal health claims and 712 of those granted awards (42%) have died without receiving their full payments. The nuclear-weapons tests are presumed by the U.S. to have afflicted many Marshallese with various kinds of cancers and other diseases. A Congressional Research Service Report for Congress in March 2005 indicates that “as many as 4,000 claims may have yet to be filed among persons alive during testing.”

    A Marshallese petition sent to the House Speaker and President Bush on Sept. 11, 2000 states that circumstances have changed since the initial agreements and the Marshallese government demands far more in just and adequate compensation for health and property claims.  But those demands for justice have thus far gone unanswered.

    March 1 will be solemnly remembered in Asia and the Pacific.  In the Marshall Islands flags are flown at half-mast during the Nuclear Memorial and Survivors Remembrance Day. Last year on the anniversary of the Bravo shot, Marshallese President Christopher J. Loeak described March 1 as “a day that has and will continue to remain in infamy in the hearts and minds of every Marshallese.” He renewed his call for President Obama and the U.S. government for justice.

    This year President Loeak is scheduled in February for a state visit to Japan. He will meet with Emperor Akhito and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and journey to the Hiroshima Peace Park and Memorial Museum.

    With the approaching 60th anniversary of the Bravo blast, Loeak might also visit a pavilion exhibiting the hull of the ill-fated Lucky Dragon fishing trawler and a marker commemorating its 450 tons of radioactive tuna that touched off worldwide alarms.

    The Lucky Dragon and Hiroshima beseech “America’s first Pacific president” and the world to reflect on the catastrophic horror of nuclear weapons and to rectify their bitter legacy of lingering injustices.

    Beverly Deepe Keever is author of News Zero: The New York Times and the Bomb and of Death Zones and Darling Spies: Seven Years of Vietnam War Reporting.