Author: Richard Falk

  • The Iraq War and the Future of International Law

    (From The American Society of International Law’s 98th Annual Meeting, Mapping New Boundaries: Shifting Norms in International Law. March 31-April 3, 2004)

    The timing of this panel, a year after the initiation of the Iraq War, is not too soon to assess, if tentatively, the impact of this globally controversial war upon international law. My assessment is organized around five questions that deserve responses at this point:

    –Should the Iraq War be treated as a defining moment for international law?

    –Should the refusal to endorse the Iraq War be regarded as a triumphant moment for the United Nations, especially the Security Council?

    –Can the Iraq War be interpreted as an illegal, but legitimate war of choice?

    –Should the legal norm of nonintervention in the internal affairs of sovereign states be abandoned?

    –Does the Iraq War provide an occasion for incorporating new norms of international law governing the use of force?

    My response to each of these questions is a resounding ‘no,’ and the remainder of this brief presentation will give the essential reasoning behind the answer.

    I. Should the Iraq War be treated as a defining moment for international law? No.

    There is some temptation to contend that the Iraq War was a defining moment for international law and for the authority of the United Nations. It could be argued, of course, that the Iraq War vindicates non-defensive wars of choice, and that UN opposition has made, as President Bush warned in his speech to the General Assembly of September 12, 2002, the organization “irrelevant.” But such a temptation is easily resisted.

    Recourse to war against Iraq in March 2003 on the facts and allegations that existed at the time is regarded around the world as so flagrantly at odds with international law and the UN Charter as generally understood to have little or no weight as a legal precedent. It is better understood as a prominent instance of a violation of the core obligation of the UN Charter, as embodied in Article 2(4), and as such qualifies as a potential Crime Against Peace in the Nuremberg sense. It provides an occasion to reaffirm the fundamentally sound idea embodied in international law that force can only legally be used under conditions of palpable defensive necessity (or possibly on the basis of an explicit mandate from the Security Council). Note that defensive necessity is broader than “self-defense,” and does take realistic account of the post-9/11 world that could validate preemptive uses of force against under exceptional conditions of demonstrated threat. The Afghanistan War might qualify under such legal reasoning as a valid claim of defensive necessity. It is worth noting that several of the staunchest supporters of the Iraq War as a matter of strategic and moral necessity, such as the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, and the influential American neoconservative, Richard Perle, have acknowledged that respect for international law was unwarranted to the extent that it would have precluded the Iraq War. In effect, the most articulate advocates of the Iraq War concede, either implicitly or explicitly, either its “illegality” or that if “regime change” of this sort was precluded then it was “bad law.” It is notable in this regard that the Bush administration made only the most minimal effort to provide a legal rationale for the Iraq War, and based its public justifications on a confusing mixture of security and humanitarian rationales. And as for the irrelevance of the UN, the difficulties of the occupation have led increasingly even the Bush administration to seek UN help in bringing stability to Iraq.

    Shifting ground, I would argue that if the Iraq War would have turned out to be successful as a political project, it might well have been a defining moment for American foreign policy and the character of world order. It could become a precedent for American unilateralism within the context of recourse to war and for regime-changing interventions. If this pattern were to be established it would have produced what might be called a geopolitical norm, that is, a use of power in a predictable pattern to achieve specified goals. The main feature of such a norm would be a repudiation of the authority of international law and the UN Charter by state practice that violates a consensus that joins the views of the majority of states and world public opinion.

    At present, the U.S. Government seems to be claiming the role of being the legislative agency for the creation of geopolitical norms, reinforced by ad hoc coalitions of the willing, in at least two areas impinging on the legal norms governing the use of force: (1) intervention in sovereign states to achieve regime change; (2) selective coercive pressure to promote counter-proliferation goals beyond the mandate of the non-proliferation treaty regime. To the extent that these geopolitical norms are acted upon it represents a fundamental shift from world order based on the principles of territorial sovereignty to a world order based on hegemonic edict. Such a world is best denominated as an imperial world order, and would likely be challenged by statist and non-statist forms of armed resistance.

    II. Should the refusal to endorse the Iraq War by the United Nations, especially the Security Council, be viewed as a triumphant moment? No.

    Many opponents of the Iraq War have praised the UNSC for remaining steadfast in the face of formidable U.S. pressure to provide a formal mandate for the initiation of a regime-changing war against Iraq. I agree that the Security Council deserves some credit for this result, but I would argue that it did only about 25% of the job entrusted to it by the UN Charter. If the American-led claims against Iraq were evaluated from the perspective of international law or by reference to the war prevention goals of the Charter, then the UN performance was still 75% or so deficient.

    There are several dimensions of this deficiency: (1) The UN imposed on Iraq a punitive peace via SC Res. 687 (3 April 1991) comparable in the setting of the Gulf War to the discredited Versailles approach to Germany after World War I; (2) The UN lent its authority to twelve plus years of punitive sanctions against Iraq (1991-2001) despite evidence of indiscriminate, severe harm to the Iraqi civilian population; (3) The UN did not censure the United States or the United Kingdom for repeated threats and uses of force that intruded upon the sovereign rights of Iraq in this same period; (4) SC Res. 1441 (8 Nov 2002) adopted the main premises of the American geopolitical norms relating to counter-proliferation and regime change, seemingly suggesting that if Washington had been more patient the endorsement of recourse to war would likely have been forthcoming.

    In the background of the UN role with respect to the Iraq War are some important issues of an admittedly hypothetical character. Suppose that the UNSC had authorized the Iraq War, would that make it ‘legal’? Is the UN legally entitled to endorse what would be otherwise considered to be a war of aggression without such an endorsement? Who is authorized to make such a determination if there is no judicial review of Security Council decisions, as seems to be the implication of the World Court judgment in Lockerbie? It seems reasonable that only the General Assembly has some sort of residual responsibility to assess whether the Security Council has acted beyond the constitutional limits imposed by the UN Charter, but it lacks the power of decision, and its judgment would be only an expression of opinion.

    III. Can the Iraq War be interpreted as an illegal, but legitimate war of choice? No.

    In my view, as suggested, the illegality of recourse to war against Iraq in 2003 was clear. It was also clear before and after the war that there was no reasonable basis for invoking the “illegal, but legitimate” formula developed by the Independent International Commission for Kosovo to deal with an exceptional circumstance of humanitarian emergency. With respect to Iraq, the worst humanitarian abuses were associated with the campaign against the Kurds in the late 1980s, and against the Kurds and Shi’ia in southern Iraq immediately following the Gulf War in 1991. Perhaps, a case for humanitarian intervention could have been credibly made in these earlier settings. But the Kosovo exception was bases on the imminence of danger associated with the feared ethnic cleansing of the Albanian population, made credible by Serb behavior in Bosnia just a few years earlier and by the rising tide of atrocities in Kosovo in the months preceding recourse to war under the NATO umbrella, but without a Security Council mandate.

    Given the failure to find weapons of mass destruction of any variety in Iraq and considering the intense resistance to the occupation, there is also no way to maintain convincing that either a condition of defensive necessity or humanitarian emergency existed in Iraq as of 2003. If there was such an emergency it was not attributable to the Baghdad regime, however dictatorial its record, but as a result of UN sanctions and numerous uses of force against Iraq.

    IV. Should the legal norm of nonintervention in internal affairs of sovereign states be abandoned? No.

    The Iraq War along with other experience with interventionary diplomacy suggests that respect for the norm of nonintervention, along with accompanying respect for territorial sovereignty, continues to represent a prudent guideline for statecraft. If the US Government had adhered to such a guideline over the course of the last several decades it would have avoided its two worst foreign policy disasters: The Vietnam War and the Iraq War. Additionally, if it had refrained from regime-changing covert interventions in Iran (1953) and Guatemala (1954), it might have avoided the Iranian Revolution and the years of atrocity and brutality in Guatemala.

    The Iraq War confirms the wisdom of avoiding interventionary diplomacy unless genuine conditions of defensive necessity or humanitarian emergency exist, and even then caution is appropriate. As the Iraqi resistance confirms, interventionary wars are primarily ‘political’ phenomena, not ‘military,’ and are decided by the play of nationalist, ethnic, and religious passions. It is best to await the dynamics of self-determination to achieve transformative changes in dictatorial states. The experience with Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and South Africa is both instructive and encouraging.

    IV. Does the Iraq War suggest the need for adapting international law to the new conditions of international conflict in the aftermath of 9/11? No.

    From the argument made above, the simple conclusion here is that the Iraq War is an occasion for reaffirming the continuing viability and validity of the legal prohibition on non-defensive uses of force that is contained in the Charter. At the same time, the grave threats posed by the sort of mega-terrorist attacks of 9/11 do justify stretching the right of self-defense to validate uses of force, as necessary, to remove threats associated with non-state actors in the event that the territorial government is unable or unwilling to address the situation decisively and with due urgency. The Afghanistan War, with qualifications, arguably fits within such an expanded conception of self-defense.

  • The American Disaster in Iraq

    After the bloodiest week in the American occupation of Iraq, the same tired slogans about “seeing it through” and “staying the course” are about all that our leaders seem able to say. Such a paucity of moral and political imagination does not serve well the citizens of this country or of the world, and seems a recipe for a surefire descent further into the political inferno that Iraq is daily becoming. It is fine to wonder aloud whether 9/11 could have prevented by due diligence at the White House, but it is no excuse for not focusing on the least disastrous endgame for Iraq. Let us recall, as the Pentagon Papers demonstrated, that it took American leaders a decade of bloodshed to acknowledge in public the failure that they privately had come to recognize the Vietnam War to have been. It may be up to the American citizenry to shorten the learning cycle this time around, with so much more at stake.

    The steady descent into an American-led foreign policy whirlpool allows us to consider the worst features of the Bush approach to the challenges of world order.

    First of all, unilateralism with respect to waging war in flagrant violation of the UN Charter and international law, underscored by the American president’s arrogant assertion in the 2004 State of the Union Address: “America will never seek a permission slip to defend the security of our country.”

    Secondly, the mission impossible associated with imposing democracy on a sovereign state by force of arms in defiance of national aspirations. This undertaking is being daily exposed as a recipe for policy failure in Iraq, a country beset by internal religious, ethnic, regional conflicts and a political tradition with zero receptivity to American-style democracy.

    Thirdly, the imperial claim that America embodies the only model for political and economic success. As expressed in the important White House document of September 2002, National Security Strategy of the USA: “The great struggles of the twentieth century between liberty and totalitarianism ended with a decisive victory for the forces of freedom– a single sustainable model for national success: freedom, democracy, and free enterprise.” All other political arrangements are illegitimate in the eyes of Washington, and it is some pathological version of this model that remains the blueprint for Iraq despite the overwhelming evidence that the Iraqis want to decide their future by themselves, and do not accept either prescriptions for their future whether issued as decrees by the occupiers or by their designated Iraqi representatives on the Iraqi Interim Governing Council.

    And finally, the obsessive preoccupation with the Middle East as the pivot of the American grand design for world domination. The neocons shaping the Bush presidency view strategic control of the region as vital for their conception of global security, which includes oil, safe havens for American private investment, and a lethal partnership with Israel. This was all made clear in their definitive planning document prepared in the months before George W. Bush came to Washington under the auspices of the Project for a New American Century. It is notable in this latter regard, that Israel’s approach to the Palestinians has inspired the tactics and structure of the American occupation of Iraq, with similar results of deepening indigenous resentments and gradually imposing on an oppressed people the stark choice between abject surrender and violent resistance. Also nightly more in evidence is the American use of tanks, missiles, and bombers against unarmed or lightly armed Iraqi resisters.

    As matters stand, there is no favorable endgame for this war. There is not yet in the American political or media mainstream, including the Kerry presidential bid, even a hint of withdrawal. The consensus in Washington is that the stakes are too large to admit failure, and that any hasty departure from Iraq would trigger a vicious civil war with adverse regional effects. At the same time, the much heralded transfer of sovereignty on June 30 seems like a fig leaf designed to disguise the realities of continuing military occupation, and is unlikely either to mean anything substantive about the exercise of authority in Iraq or to fool a single person in Baghdad. To begin with, how can the US Government transfer what it does not possess? Or put another way, if Iraqi sovereignty is a reality, what are American occupying forces doing in the country against the expressed will of the Iraqi people and their authentic representatives? And how are we to explain the current construction of 14 large military bases for US forces designed to accommodate a permanent military presence in the country? This is a terrain of American dreams, Iraqi nightmares!

    So far, the American political leadership has not faced up to the failure of its Iraq policy, and so is paralyzed, caught in a cycle of escalating violence that recalls Vietnam. Because of the strategic importance of Iraq, many think the better analogy is the French prolonged inability to acknowledge defeat in Algeria. It took all the prestige and patriotic credibility of Charles DeGaulle to extricate France, and even then France came perilously close to self-destructing in the aftermath. We here in the United States need to be asking ourselves and others, with a sense of urgency, what will it take to bring the Iraqi disaster to closure.

    On the broader front, the warnings and opportunities associated with the Madrid train bombings of March 11th are instructive. The Spanish citizenry immediately opted in its general elections three days later for an anti-war opposition party, and responded to their 9/11 with the slogan “No to terrorism! No to war!” If only America had displayed such political wisdom. Although it is late, it is not too late. A change in presidential leadership in November, although unlikely to offer much immediate prospect of change, will create some needed political space for moving in new, more constructive directions, and will at least rid the United States and the world of the current extremist worldviews that have given rise to the tragic ordeal of Iraq.

  • Robert Strange McNamara: An American Idol

    It is hardly a surprise that “The Fog of War” won the Oscar for documentaries this year. As a film on the life of the former Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara, “The Fog of War” succeeds brilliantly. It conveys the distinctive complexity of this fascinating man who occupied such a prominent place in the American political and moral imagination during the Kennedy and Johnson presidencies. And the documentary presentation of this material, centered on issues of nuclear war and Vietnam, makes us think deeply about the troublesome interplay between war and political leadership, an issue that has again assumed a tragic salience since 9/11. “Fog of War” limits its consideration to McNamara’s reflections on and experience of war, and ignores altogether the thirteen years that he spent as president of the World Bank, which are to me as revealing as the seven years that he spent at the Pentagon. Although this exclusion makes the film fall short as a biographical statement, there are artistic and dramatic gains achieved by limiting the focus to war, and its complexities.

    The technique of the film maker, Errol Morris, is quite remarkable, managing to command our attention for almost two hours despite McNamara delivering what is essentially a monologue. Of course, some of the credit belongs to McNamara’s captivating words and delivery, and some to the editorial surgery that reduced some twenty hours of film to what we watch in the theater. Also, helpful in breaking the potential monotony of listening to a single voice are McNamara’s eleven lessons that are flashed on the screen at intervals giving us a sense of narrative structure. But what is most riveting, I think, is the cinematography that weaves a coherent fabric of a film consisting of illuminating archival footage, cascading images associated with McNamara’s words and deeds, and various bits of recorded conversations between McNamara and his superiors in the White House. Philip Glass’s edgy, rhythmically repetitive, music wonderfully complements the visual presentation, reinforcing the themes of death and destruction, as well as the contradictory pulls that make this singular individual both fascinating and ultimately elusive. It is never becomes clear whether this great man is genuinely trying to impart the wisdom gained from his deep immersion in the power games of the 20th century or whether he is elaborately engaged in masking a rather pathetic appeal for absolution from the gods of public assessment. Most probably, it is both.

    The title “The Fog of War” is a phrase taken from the Karl von Clausewitz, the early 19th century German theorist of war, and used to explain the inability of a military commander to grasp the full realities of a battlefield, given its complexity. It bears so centrally on the McNamara enigma because it is exculpatory in effect, suggesting that the mistakes of war are due to its complexity, rather than the incompetence or depravity of the leaders. What is misleading here is that Clausewitz was explaining why tactical errors are made in war, while McNamara is indirectly excusing moral shortcomings, including those that have been criminalized by international law. Technology has lifted much of the fog that existed in Clausewitz’s day, but the process of war continues to be enshrouded in the far thicker fog of personal ambition and national pride. To confuse the one with other, as McNamara does throughout the film is deeply self-serving, and in the end, quite discrediting.

    The substance of the eleven lessons is as revealing about McNamara’s frailties as it is about learning from the mistakes of past wars. For instance, Lesson #1: “empathize with your enemy” is used to vindicate the flexibility of the Kennedy leadership in the Cuban Missile Crisis in helping to extricate Khrushchev and the Soviets from the crisis without producing a nuclear war. Later on, somewhat inconsistently, McNamara becomes quite animated when he acknowledges that it was “pure luck” that saved us in this country and the world from a nuclear war, discovering after the fact how ready each side was to engage in catastrophic behavior to avoid backing down in the crisis. One might have expected at this point some expression of concern for the suffering inflicted by American military tactics, especially the deliberate reliance on terror bombing in World War II, but instead such issues surface, of all places, in relation to Lesson #4: “Maximize efficiency.”

    A disturbing motif throughout the film is the recurrent reference to General Curtis LeMay, a leading air force general during both World War II and the early phases of the cold war, who epitomizes the pure logic of warfare carried on without regard to the limits of law or morality, but dedicated single mindedly to victory and the total destruction of the enemy. McNamara’s attitudes toward LeMay are revealing, combining undisgusied admiration for his “efficiency” and dedication to duty, with an effort to contrast McNamara’s contrasting active moral indignation about killing people with Lemay’s indifference. It was LeMay who, for the sake of efficiency in the latter stages of World II, proposed and engaged in the fire bombing of 67 Japanese cities causing hundreds of thousands of deaths of women and children. At a telling moment in the film LeMay acknowledges that if the Allies had lost the war then he, and McNamara who was working under his command at the time, would have prosecuted as war criminals. At another point, McNamara wonders out loud “What makes it immoral if you lose, but moral if you win.”

    There is undoubtedly something mesmerizing about McNamara’s sustained discussion of what we should learn from the experience of war. It is connected with his obsessive effort to portray himself as a man of reason and efficiency who always performed as well as humanly possible in view of the historical circumstances. Sure, he made mistakes with horrifying human consequences, but he could not do otherwise and serve the leadership and reflect the priorities of his country. Significantly, the McNamara of the movie and of real life has trouble expressing emotion except in highly personal encounters. It is odd that the only times that McNamara seems choked with emotion is when he recalls picking out a cemetery plot for the burial of JFK after his assassination and when Lyndon Johnson awards him the Medal of Freedom after dismissing him as Secretary of Defense over disagreements on how to prosecute and explain the Vietnam War. When he is talking about destroying nations with nuclear bombs or about the millions of Vietnamese killed by American tactics or about the toxic effects of Agent Orange used extensively as a defoliant, McNamara remains cool as a cucumber, all head, no heart.

    Closely related, are the revealing points at which he draws red lines as to where he refuses to go with the inquiry. When asked about why he did not speak out on the war after he left the Defense Department, he refuses to answer. Similarly, when it comes to the specifics of his personal responsibility. I know that close friends and associates begged McNamara to speak out against the Vietnam War after he left the Pentagon, which just might have led to a dramatic shortening of a futile effort, saving thousands of lives, and yet he refused. In the present global setting McNamara is deeply critical of the American response to 9/11, especially to the Iraq War, but when asked to comment, he refuses once again to offer any criticism of the roles played by Rumsfeld and Bush. From personal experience, I went to see McNamara at the World Bank in the 1970s about loaning money to Chile during the brutal Pinochet dictatorship. He asked that our meeting be treated as “off-the-record,” and then proceeded to say how he more than anyone would rejoice at the overthrow of Pinochet, but said he would continue to encourage the bank to prop up the regime with loans. Once again McNamara was blending almost seamlessly a career at the summits of power with moral indignation that is kept safely “in the closet.”

    We learn from the film that at every stage of his life, from primary school onwards, McNamara burned with ambition and glowed with a sense of achievement. He tells us that he was the youngest assistant professor ever appointed at the Harvard Business School. In a sense, McNamara can be best understood as a consummate careerist who was also remained a compulsive teacher throughout his life. Serving the rich and powerful, whether in the Ford Motor Company, or in Washington, he is at every stage more loyal to his superiors than responsive to the moral precepts he has always delighted in espousing. McNamara is the man of reason who still at the age of 85 turns lives into statistics, with a self-satisfying smile, while explaining his Lesson # 6: “Get the Data.”

    McNamara seems amused while recalling that when his fiancé, then living in a separate city, wanted to send out engraved wedding invitations, she sent him a message asking for his full middle name, to which McNamara responded “Strange.” His future wife replied, “I know you are strange, but what is your middle name?” Perhaps, in the end, McNamara’s life and sensibility are best understood by having given a original and enigmatic twist to the word strange!

    *Richard Falk, a Distinguished Visiting Professor at the University of California at Santa Barbara, is chair of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.

  • Edward W. Said: In Memoriam

    When Words Fail

    In memory of Edward Said

     

    The eye sees but cannot tell

    The heart knows but cannot say

    The mind weeps but cannot cry

    Such feelings do no more

    than announce such a death

     

    To feel this loss

    alone in moments of shared silence
    comes closer to words than words

    as even apt and precious words

    die of grief on our tongue

    never to be born

    or possibly, stillborn

    escaping as if exhaled smoke

    escaping as birds streaking south

    as autumn vanishes

     

    And yet this loss is far from forgetfulness

    the heartbeat of memory lives as before

    his words, his passion, his grace
    remind us daily of anguished absence

    yet equally of haunting presence

    as vital as the lives we lead.

     

    When Edward Said died on September 25th I lost a close and beloved friend, and the world lost a powerful and distinctive presence, one of a handful of public intellectuals whose words literally resonated throughout the entire planet. Edward was an eloquent and distinctive voice on behalf of the Palestinian people, but he was also a most gifted interpreter of the interface between culture and politics, especially in the context of the imperial relationship between the West and the world. His book Orientalism is as widely read and discussed as any single book written in the past several decades, brilliantly accounting for the distorted renderings of the Arab world by Western colonial and post-colonial scholars, and indeed, depicting a whole way of mis-representing that has lethal consequences when enacted in political action. Said’s illuminating critique of how to not see “the other” remains of acute relevance, especially during these days of American military preeminence and expansionist ambitions. Never has our citizenry and leadership been more in need of “self-scrutiny,” beginning with the challenge of listening closely to those others whom we seek to subjugate by force of arms.

    The originality of Edward Said cannot be separated from his life and work. Perhaps, alone among world class scholars and intellectual figures, Edward as a Palestinian living in the United States, was able to express both the reality of Palestinian victimization and the dangerous reality of the United States with its self-anointed mandate to rule the world. His experience and insight were deeply affected by this interplay between a dual identity as a Palestinian “out of place” (as suggested by the title of his autobiography) and as a widely admired American professor of comparative literature at a leading university, but in fundamental respects, also out of place.

    Those of us who had known Edward for a long time were deeply moved by his brave struggle against leukemia for an anguishing period of twelve years. During these years, despite many torments, Edward sustained his struggle and continued to write at a furious pace, and to travel around the world giving lectures to overflowing lecture halls. Periods of exertion alternated with periods of relapse, the disease retreating and advancing in sinister fashion. Toward the end of his life, when asked how he was doing, he would often respond, “It is my anger that keeps me going.”

    It would be a mistake to think of Edward only as an exceptional literary scholar or eloquent advocate of Palestinian rights and critic of Israeli and American wrongs. He was, above all, a complete human being, with a range of talents and appetites, and frailties. I heard him perform as a classical pianist at a wonderful concert given at Columbia University. Edward served for many years as the music critic of The Nation, and was especially appreciated for published commentaries on opera. He was a talented squash and tennis player as I discovered to my despair. Edward cared about all facets of life, valuing friendship, collecting fancy pens, delighting in gourmet food, and indulging in playful banter. It was always hard for me to comprehend how one person could be so accomplished in so many different domains of life. Edward’s son, Wadie, delivering the eulogy at his father’s funeral noted that he never understood how his father managed to write so much because he always seemed to be talking on the phone. And it was astonishing and humbling how he managed to keep in close contact with friends and colleagues, as well as a wide array of journalists from around the world, and yet be so productive even during this last period of illness.

    Edward’s life, scholarship, and personality are inseparable from his engagement with the struggle of the Palestinian people. Ever since the Oslo years, beginning in 1993, Edward stood outside the Palestinian mainstream by his refusal to see any hope for a just peace emerging from such a one-sided process. I recall trying to persuade him to stand within the debate, but he stubbornly refused, and has been vindicated by subsequent developments. Edward resigned from the Palestinian National Council and rejected the leadership of Yasir Arafat, yet remained steadfast in his commitment to Palestinian self-determination. When all realist voices on both sides were trying to craft the contours of a two-state solution, Edward insisted that only a state that brought the two peoples together in a unified political community could bring enduring peace and justice. Again, his prophetic voice is only recently gaining adherents, as more and more observers on both sides, come to realize that the Israelis have created so many “facts on the ground” as to make it impossible at this point to imagine a workable two-state outcome. What is most impressive to me, however, is not this gift of political insight and individuality exhibited by Edward, but rather his strength of will and character, ignoring on principled grounds the pressures of “responsible” and “reasonable” people. I found this capacity and willingness to stand by unpopular beliefs part of what made Edward such an inspirational figure for me and for so many others.

    If we ask about Edward’s legacy, I think it safe to conclude that his such main works as Orientalism and Culture and Imperialism will be read within academic circles for as long as serious cultural and literary reflection persists. As well, Edward is likely to be singled out as an, and possibly as the, exemplary public intellectual of this era, combining first-class scholarship with lucid media commentary on the great events of the day. And finally, Edward’s role in articulating the Palestinian struggle, while appreciating the need to safeguard the future of the Jews in Israel, was a characteristic of his approach that was not appreciated by extremists in either camp. I was struck at the funeral that the great Israeli pianist, David Barenboim, was the only person listed on the formal program who was not a member of the Said family, contributing three beautifully rendered musical works. It was a final expression of Edward’s extraordinary combination of passionate engagement with his even more extraordinary insistence on reconciliation and empathy with the supposed enemy. Edward is gone, but he and his work will not be forgotten.

    A line from the great Palestinian poet, Mahmoud Darwish, perhaps best summarizes both Edward’s life and his legacy: “What use is our thought if not for humanity.” [from “The Hoopoe,” Unfortunately, It Was Paradise] And in a more personal final note, I would endorse the spirit of another line of poetry, this from May Swenson: “Don’t mourn the beloved. Try to be like him.” Edward’s last words to his children was to carry on with the struggle, and in some attenuated sense, I would like to think that we are all Edward’s children!

    *Richard Falk is chair of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation and a Distinguished Visiting Professor at the University of California at Santa Barbara. 

  • Resisting the Global Domination Project: An interview with Prof. Richard Falk

    For over three decades, Richard Falk has shared, with fellow Americans Noam Chomsky and Edward Said, a reputation of fearless intellectual and political commitment to the building of a just and humane world. He recently retired as Professor of International Law and Practice, at Princeton University and is currently a Visiting Distinguished Professor at the University of California, Santa Barbara. He has been a prolific writer, speaker and activist of world affairs and the author or co-author of more than 20 books.

    The following are excerpts from a discussion that Falk had with Zia Mian and Smitu Kothari about the US war on Iraq, the role and future of the United Nations and the need to rethink democratic institutions and practices.

    Kothari/ Mian: Before the war, there were unprecedented protests in the U.S and around the world. It was evident that a significant proportion of world opinion was opposed to the US plans to attack Iraq. Additionally, if the second Resolution had come to the UN, the US would have faced a veto in the Security Council, and yet they went ahead with the war. What are your thoughts on the legality and illegality of the war, and what are its implications for both the present period of engagement and the post-war situation?

    Richard Falk: Before one gets to the issue of legality or morality there is the issue of a war by the US Government that violated fundamental rights of its own citizenry in a country that proclaims itself the world’s leading democracy. This war against Iraq is very questionable constitutionally, as well as dubious under international law. There was no urgency from the perspective of American national security that might have justified a defensive recourse to a non-UN war, which is further suspect because the war was initiated without a formal and proper authorization from Congress. So this war against Iraq is constitutionally unacceptable and anti-democratic even if account is taken only of the domestic legal framework in the United States.

    Aside from that, there was no basis for a UN mandate for this war, either on some principle of humanitarian emergency or urgency of the sort that arguably existed in Kosovo (1999) or in some of the sub-Saharan African countries that were sites for controversial claims of humanitarian intervention during the 1990’s. There was also no evidence of a defensive necessity in relation to Iraq that had provided some justification for the unilateral American recourse to war against Afghanistan in 2001. In the Afghanistan War there was at least a meaningful linkage to the September 11th attacks and the persistence of the al Qaeda threat. A defensive necessity existed, although recourse to war stretched the general understanding of the right of self-defense under the UN Charter and international law. In contrast, recourse to war against Iraq represents a flagrant departure from the fundamental norms of the UN Charter that require war to be waged in self-defense only in response to prior armed attack, or arguably in some exceptional circumstance of imminent necessity — that is, where there is a clearly demonstrable threat of major war or major attack, making it unreasonable to expect a country to wait to be attacked. International law is not a prison. It allows a measure of discretion beyond the literal language of its rules and standards that permit adaptation to the changing circumstances of world politics. From such a standpoint, as many people have argued in recent years, it is reasonable to bend the Charter rules to the extent of allowing some limited exceptions to the strict prohibition of the use of force that is core undertaking of the UN and its Charter, and is enshrined in contemporary international law. This analysis leads to the inevitable conclusion that in the context of Iraq recourse to force and war was impermissible: there was neither a justification under international law, nor was there a mandate from the United Nations Security Council (and if there had been such a mandate it would have provided dubious authority for war, being more accurately understood as an American appropriation of the Security Council for the pursuit of its geopolitical goals). Furthermore, there were no factual conditions pertaining to Iraq to support an argument for stretching the normal rules of international law because there were credible dangers of Iraqi aggression in the near future. If such reasoning is persuasive, then it seems to me inescapable that an objective observer would reach the conclusion that this Iraq War is a war of aggression, and as such, that is amounts to a Crime against Peace of the sort for which surviving German leaders were indicted, prosecuted, and punished at the Nuremberg trials conducted shortly after World War II.

    Kothari/ Mian: Is there a case or any effort to legally challenge the U.S.? Given the international relations of power and evolving geopolitics what kind of space exists for any intervention of that kind?

    Richard Falk: It is necessary to understand that the available global political space available for such a legal challenge was severely constrained by U.S. geopolitical influence throughout the entire Iraq crisis, dating back to the first Gulf War in 1991. It is instructive to consider the framing of the recent debate in the United Nations Security Council around the famous resolution 1441, incorporating a position that unconvincingly accepted 80% of the U.S. allegations against Iraq. It is important to realize that even France and Germany, credited with taking an anti-American position, were arguing for an avoidance of war within the essential framework insisted upon by the U.S., and the U.K. The UN debate took it as established that the punitive resolutions passed after the Gulf War more than a decade earlier needed to be implemented by force to the extent that Iraq resisted. The debate was thus limited to the narrow question of whether these demands should be implemented by reliance on inspection or by war, and even here the inspection option was conditioned on Iraq’s willingness to cooperate with unprecedented intrusions on its sovereignty in the ultra-sensitive area of national security. It is helpful to realize that France and Germany were only arguing that inspection was doing the job of implementing the 1991 resolutions, especially SC Res. 687.

    Nowhere did the proponents of the inspection path insist that Security Council resolutions calling for the immediate end to Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza be implemented. Nowhere was the question raised as to whether the 1991 ceasefire conditions imposed on Iraq continued to be justified, or whether American threats against Iraq (open advocacy of “regime change”) warranted lifting UN sanctions and other restrictions on Iraqi sovereignty, or did not create a duty by the UN to protect Iraq against severe threats directed by the US at its political independence and territorial integrity as promised by Article 2 of the Charter. In fact, the U.S. made it rather clear that it hoped that it preferred for the resolutions not to be enforced. Washington sought a pretext for war against Iraq. The White House was reluctant for this reason to seek authorization from the UN, and was persuaded to seek a Security Council mandate so as to enhance the legitimacy of the war and to get more countries to share the burden.

    All along Washington viewed this inspection path at the UN as an alternate route leading to war, at most an annoying delay, but under no conditions providing grounds for abandoning the resolve to embark on war. The US could not exert full control over the Security Council, given Iraqi compliance with the inspection process, and so recourse to war was undertaken by the US in defiance of the UN. Even then the UN lacked the autonomy to condemn such an unacceptable recourse to war. It needs to be remembered that if Washington had been more patient the inspection path might itself have produced a UN authorization of war, either if the inspection uncovered weapons of mass destruction, or if the Iraqis resisted some of the more extravagant demands of the inspectors. Although opponents of the Iraq War can take satisfaction from the refusal of UNSC to acquiesce in the US war policy, there are still many reasons to take note of the weakness of the UN in upholding the genuine security needs of the peoples of the world, or to fulfill the Charter vision of saving “succeeding generations from the scourge of war.”

    Kothari/ Mian: So what you are arguing is that the entire framework of debate in the UN was itself severely constrained?

    Richard Falk: Yes, the whole framework of debate was distorted and deformed from the beginning. The real question before the Security should have been, were there grounds for the use of force against Iraq under any circumstances. The argument that Iraq had not complied with these resolutions in 1991 expresses a concern about the extent of UN authority in this sort of setting. But it also raises the important question about whether the 1991 ceasefire arrangements did not involve the kind of punitive peace that had been so disastrously imposed on Germany after WWI. The Versailles treaty has to be seen as one of the colossal blunders of the 20th century contributing to virulent German nationalism, to the militarisation of Germany, to the rise of Nazism and political extremism, generating a series of developments that led to WWII, to upwards of 50 million deaths and to the use of atomic bombs against the Japanese civilian population. In my judgment, this punitive peace imposed on Iraq, was from Day One an illegitimate way of normalising the relationship between Iraq and the international community after the Gulf War. We also need to recall that the Gulf War was itself a legally, politically, and morally dubious war, which might have been averted by a greater reliance on diplomacy and sanctions to achieve the internationally acceptable goal of reversing Iraq’s aggression against Kuwait.

    From a more progressive perspective, and with an eye on global reform, it is crucial to realize the degree to which the United Nations framework has itself been substantially co-opted by geopolitical forces concentrated in Washington. Even this degree of co-optation, which is less than 100%, frustrated the US Government in this instance. The Iraq debate in the UNSC was about the remaining 20% of the global political space that has so far eluded becoming geopolitically subordinated to the goals of U.S. foreign policy and US grand strategy aiming at global domination. What made the U.S. radical right leadership so furious was its inability to twist enough arms to gain control over this last 20%, an inability that resulted because the US was proposing a course of action that so plainly defied the UN Charter, international law and the elemental sense of international prudence. If you take note of the debate in the United States, some of the most vocal and influential opponents of the war were academic realists, individuals who have over the years generally favored the use of force in American foreign policy. But in this instance, from a prudential national interest perspective, they opposed the war. Such realist opposition is confirmation of the extremism that is generating American global policy. The Bush administration has adopted a post- realist orientation toward geopolitics that is partly religiously motivated and justified, and seems intent on projecting American power globally no matter what the norms, the breadth and depth of opposition, and the risks involved. It is these elements that make American leadership so dangerous for itself, and in the short run, even more menacing for the rest of the world.

    Kothari/ Mian: Is this proclivity to violence in the Bush administration a response to its failure to secure control of the remaining 20% of the UN as it seeks to globally dominate the institutions and places where the U.S. writ did not run? In fact, Immanuel Wallerstein has argued recently, that this is a response to America’s relative decline and that this is actually a restoration project rather than an expansionist project.

    Richard Falk: These are important issues. With regard to the remaining 20% of independent global space, the present leadership in the White House seems likely to abandon the pursuit of that objective, at least within the framework of the UN. The Bush policymakers have been taught a lesson that more ideological members of the Bush team had warned about anyway. It is useful to remember that the U.S. was only persuaded some months back to seek authorization from the UN after some Republican stalwarts like Brent Scowcroft (former National Security Advisor), James Baker, and more quietly, the senior George Bush, insisted that the Bush administration needed this collective mandate from the UN, that without it the war lacked sufficient political backing. This challenged the White House. George W. Bush’s original impulse was to act the way they did in Afghanistan without bothering with the UN, claiming its own sovereign prerogatives to use force as it thought necessary. For the White House/Pentagon hard line their mistake was to heed the advice of the Republican old guard. Instead, the new Bush reactionaries are convinced that if you cannot control that last 20%, then it should be ignored, preferring unilateralism to inaction. The new statecraft in Washington is to go ahead with their global dominance project, acting outside the UN and international law, claiming support on the basis of so-called “coalitions of the willing,” which include weak and submissive participants, making the operation appear to be the work of “a coalition of the coerced.”

    As far as the Wallerstein argument is concerned, it offers instructive historical insights but I don’t find it convincing overall. It is not attentive to a set of global conditions that have never existed before. The United States is a global state that is not deterred by any countervailing power that exists within the state system, and is driven by a visionary geopolitics aspiring to global domination. To the extent that the United States is deterred, it is by non-state centers of resistance that have shown the will and capability to inflict severe harm. The scary credibility of this American global dominance project rests on this idea that when one no longer has to worry about deterrence, then the preeminent actor can achieve the total control over the entire system. Such a grand strategy animates this leadership. These goals were explicated long before the Bush administration came to Washington. It is important to read what Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz, and the other Bush ideologues were advocating during the 1990s when they were watching from the sidelines throughout the Clinton presidency. Theirs’ was a view that America shouldn’t misinterpret the end of the Cold War, that it was not the time to disarm or a moment to declare “peace dividends.” On the contrary, it was the time to seize the great opportunity provided by the Soviet collapse to establish a global security system presided over by the United States. Such ambitions could only be satisfied, however, if the US Government was willing to invest sufficiently in military capabilities, including taking full advantage of “the revolution in military affairs” that required doctrinal innovations and drastic changes in weapons procurements .

    Kothari/ Mian: With the UN effectively demobilized and the emerging spectre of the US exerting its political and economic hegemony in wider and deeper arenas globally, what are the possibilities and sources of potential resistance?

    Richard Falk: At the present, I do not see the sources of effective resistance to this American undertaking in the short run. What I do see, and that’s why I refer to global fascism, is sufficient resistance, including here in the U.S., that it will lead the American leadership to pursue by all means a consolidation of economic and military power and a willingness to repress wherever necessary. The outcome seems increasingly likely to be a global oppressive order with a significant domestic spillover, which is already manifest. Given an attorney general like John Ashcroft the domestic face of the American global design is revealed as a kind of proto-fascist mentality that is prepared to use extreme methods to reach its goals. Without being paranoid, this is the sort of mentality that is capable of fabricating a Reichstag fire as a pretext so as to achieve more and more control by the state over supposed islands of resistance. At present, the US Government manipulates terrorist alerts as a way of scaring the American people into a submission that is at once abject and incoherent. The combination of the September 11th shock effect and the constant official warnings that there will be a repetition of such attacks has so far disabled Americans from mounting an effective opposition.

    Kothari/ Mian: There is a lot of studied speculation on the American regime’s motivations in going to war, ranging from the need to expand its sphere of power, consolidating its military-industrial, economic and geopolitical interests globally to appropriating to itself the role of unilateral global policeman. What in your assessment are the real motivations of the present regime?

    Richard Falk: Of course, the true motivations for a controversial undertaking like the Iraq War are concealed by American elites. Far more than elsewhere, American leaders operate within a frame of reference that takes for granted American innocence — what some diplomatic historians have identified as America’s moral exceptionalism, the claim that American foreign policy embodies uplifting values, contrasting with other states that are driven by crass interests. Such a contrast is sometimes expressed by contending that the US is a Lockean nation in a Hobbesian world. In the important speech that Bush gave at West Point in June 2002, he went out of his way to say, despite all the evidence to the contrary, that America is not seeking either imperial goals or a new utopia. Bush tried to put American behavior within the framework of a moral undertaking that was a response to the evil forces responsible for the September 11th attacks. He argues that a wider, necessary and justified, response to September 11th was based on a recognition that the so-called rogue nations, re-christened “axis of evil” states, now possess the leverage by way of the global terrorist networks to be able to inflect severe harm on the U.S., thereby validating American reliance on preemptive war as a defensive measure. The Iraq War is the first test of this new American doctrine, which has so alarmed the peoples, and many of the governments, of the world.

    It is helpful to realize that the roots of this thinking antedate the present American leadership and the post-September 11 context. Well before the Bush administration came to Washington, the American policy making community had developed a broad consensus supportive of the idea of global domination, although avoiding such language in public discourse. This national goal goes to the Clinton years, and before that, to the end of the cold war. The global reach is phrased euphemistically, but such thinking was responsible for a series of provocative moves: the militarisation of space, the preoccupation with “rogue” states, the projection of American power everywhere in the world, the maintenance of the alliances and foreign military bases in the aftermath of the cold war with no plausible strategic threat. So in the background of the present policymaking leadership was this bipartisan, strong consensus that suggested that the end of the cold war provided the U.S. with this novel opportunity to dominate the world and, at the same time, to provide stable security for both the world economy and to make the world safe for the market state committed to a neo-liberal IMF worldview. This pre-Bush dominance project became more explicit and more militarized in the aftermath of September 11th. Earlier American leadership couldn’t acknowledge its commitment to such a grand strategy, but so long as it was proceeding under the banner of anti terrorism, everything was validated, however imprudent, immoral, and illegal. Anti-terrorism. provided a welcome blanket of geopolitical disguise.

    Kothari/ Mian: But weren’t other interests – oil, the control of markets, Israel, etc. — also manifest in America’s geopolitical designs?

    Richard Falk:Yes. In the background of the global domination project, was always the more specific preoccupation with the geopolitics of energy for its own sake and to implement the global domination project. To keep the oil flowing at an optimal price, the U.S. needed to control Central Asian and Persian Gulf oil and gas reserves, and supply routes and pipelines. The wars against both Afghanistan and Iraq were partly motivated by these energy objectives. Just as oil and gas are an integral, if undisclosed component of American geopolitics, so is the strategic influence of Israel. The Israelis offer the US a positive security model, especially how to operate in a hostile setting of popular resentment. Israel helps Washington fashion a response to such questions as “how does a government that is opposed by various political forces go about establishing its security without granting any political concessions towards its opposition?” And “how does a government impose its will in effect on resisting elements? Israel has also exerted its back channels influence to convince the U.S. that it is essential to eliminate Iraq as an independent regional actor. Tel-Aviv was worried about Iraq as a potential source of opposition to Israeli hegemonic ambitions in the Middle East. Israel provided guidance as to how to fight the kind of borderless war that has been waged against al Qaeda in recent months. As Marwan Bishara has suggested, we are witnessing the Israelization of American foreign policy. I would add that we are also experiencing the Palestinisation of resistance tactics. Political assassinations of Palestinian opponents in foreign countries has long been a practice of Mossad – the Israeli Secret Service — and the justification for projecting force against hostile regimes that are seen as giving aid and comfort to the enemies of the United States is also part of this logic. In response, the tactics of urban warfare, including suicide bombings, has emerged as the most effective aspect of Iraqi resistance. Such is the dynamics of learning with respect to the methodology of political violence for both the strong and the weak.

    Also, part of the motivational structure operative in the White House and Pentagon is the widely shared perception that the locus of conflict in the post cold war world has shifted from Europe to the Middle East. This is a crucial shift that has many policy implications. It helps to explain the significance attached to the goal of making Iraq into a safe base area for American and Israeli hegemonic aims. A pacified and subordinated Iraq will give these actors much more leverage over Saudi Arabia and the Gulf generally. It is a very important part of a policy based on controlling the world by controlling the Middle East. If the Middle East is the pivot of geopolitics at this point, then the further idea behind the Iraq policy was to deepen the alliance between the United States, as the dominant state, and Israel and Turkey as regional partners, junior but still beneficiaries. Now Turkey has temporarily, and partly, withdrawn from that arrangement, under pressure from its public that overwhelming opposed waging this war against a Muslim neighbor. Whether Turkey sustains this level of independence is uncertain at this point. All these considerations explain why the policymakers in Washington were willing to embark on such a risky and unpopular course of action as initiating “a war of choice” in defiance of the United Nations. For the American leadership the risks were worth it because they regard the stakes high, and the hoped for gains great.

    Kothari/ Mian: It is clear, however, that the strategic interests are different now. The US will also reconfigure its relationship with the UN. What are your thoughts on this?

    Richard Falk: The prospects in Iraq are increasingly likely to resemble a modified Afghanistan approach taken — modified because Washington is keenly aware that there exist major economic rewards for the administrators of post-war Iraq. The reconstruction of the country will be worth billions. Contracts are likely to be given to very influential American companies, such as Bechtel, Parsons, Halliburton, for example, that have close ties to Pentagon officials, as well as to leaders spread around the American governmental structure, and its infra-structure of closely linked think tanks. Richard Perle’s economic machinations have been recently disclosed, showing that despite his lack of an official post, his access to the policy elite is a valuable economic asset.

    The strategic objectives are very different in Iraq than they were in Afghanistan and the emphasis placed on retaining and asserting regional control will lead to a much stronger American presence even though it may yet be given a cosmetic UN façade. The American strategy is likely to be to use the UN to achieve a modicum of legitimacy. but to maintain the actualities of control. This control will shape the reconstruction of Iraq and the realization of regional strategic goals. The full extent of these goals is not yet clear. It seems that the more extreme elements of the Bush administration, certainly including Wolfowitz, Feith, and John Bolton, but also probably Cheney and Rumsfeld, have a post-Iraq plan to alter the political landscape of the region in a series of other countries including Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Yemen. Its rather difficult to predict or anticipate how this plan will be actualized. It depends on a series of uncertainties, including the degree to which opposition to the American presence becomes formidable, and threatening. Despite these American imperial expectations, there are structural factors that may induce even the Bush-led government to make a major effort to reconcile its strategic objectives with the appearance of quasi-legitimacy. Such a reconciliation, if possible, would seem likely to mitigate the intensity of anti-imperial resistance around the world and in the United States. Others also have an interest in reconciliation.

    France and Germany will undoubtedly for historical and economic reasons be eager to reach a new accommodation with the U.S. It is quite likely that the UN will be selectively used to the extent its helpful for improving the atmospherics of the global setting without undermining the achievement of American strategic objectives. But in future occasions where the U.S. seeks the use of force, it is unlikely to repeat the mistake of accepting advice that it needs first to obtain the collective authorization of the international community. As long as this present leadership is in control of the US Government, the UN will be bypassed when it comes to war-peace issues.

    Kothari/ Mian: We are now rapidly approaching the 50th anniversary of the overthrow of the Prime Minister Mossadegh in June, 1953. What are your reflections about what the U.S. political process has learned about its legitimacy given what has happened in previous attempts to intervene and exercise what it considers its legitimate authority?

    Richard Falk: The learning curve about legitimacy is very modest, if not outright regressive. The American elite has always had a rather barren historical memory. American leaders abstract one or two very simplistic and self-serving lessons from the past, thinly disguised rationalizations for the use of force as necessary if America is to reach its goals. It is remarkable how much weight has been give to the fatuous reasoning of Bernard Lewis to the effect that the September 11th events occurred because the United States had projected an image of weakness and ineffectuality in the Arab world.

    Such ideas were dominant in any event with the current elite, but the scholarly mantle of Lewis supposedly gives such shopworn thinking additional weight. The Bush entourage are much less overtly economistic than the Clinton era elite, although they are equally enthusiastic free marketeers. But more than Clinton, they believe that you need military force to police the markets and to attain an advantageous world economic system. They further believe that this use of force by the US needs to be discretionary, without paying heed to international law or worrying about public opinion. It is in this sense that the new American configuration of power and objectives contains the danger of establishing global fascism, a loathsome political reality that has never before credibly aspired to global dominance.

    There seems to be very little awareness among the American leadership as to what went wrong in Iran after the CIA’s overthrow of Muhammed Mossadegh in 1953 or the Guatemala intervention the next year that led directly to a savage period of unrestrained ethnocide in Guatemala that lasted more than four decades. The only relevant lesson that arose from American interventionary behavior that this American elite acknowledges is the failure of Vietnam, which is generally blamed on the American peace movement or the liberal media or a lack of will. Vietnam is an active experience within the memories of the current leadership. But they see the present stakes and risks as far different and they believe that they have the support of the citizenry, being mobilized around the anti-terrorist campaign, manipulating, as needed, the fear of the public and stirring from time to time the toxic mixture of fear and anger. Such a public mood is being treated as a kind of wall that insulates this leadership from any obligation to respond to criticism and to show respect to grassroots opposition. Helpful to the government is an exceedingly compliant media—especially TV–that has been vigorously orchestrating society to support this dominance project. Influential arenas of public conjecture like the Wall Street Journal have also been enthusiastically cheerleading the ideas behind the global dominance project. The passivity of the Democratic Party is also part of this picture of fallen democracy. So far the centers of formal authority in the United States have faced very little meaningful opposition. They feel no need to acknowledge “the American street.”

    Kothari/ Mian: Don’t you think that there are still vast spaces that are not amenable to this kind of domination? What are the impulses or sources of hope, how does it really look in the short run or does it really look hopeless? How significant is the public resentment in Europe?

    Richard Falk: The most hopeful development of this character has been the emergence of a global movement of opposition and resistance initially to the Iraq war, but more basically to the reality and prospect of global domination by the U.S. This movement has an enormous potential to deepen and sustain itself as the first peace movement of truly global scope. Just as there is this first global fascist danger, there is also this exciting global democratic possibility that is focused on anti-war issues. If this movement could creatively fuse with the anti-globalization movement it could become a powerful and inspiring source of an alternate future. I would expect this movement to have its own political project of counter-domination. The very credibility and visionary hopes of the resistance — it will deepen and grow here in this country as well — will undoubtedly scare those on top, giving rise to more vicious methods of response. Such an interaction is almost inevitable. Also, depending on whether the US leadership is successful in reviving the global economy, there are large parts of the world that are increasingly likely to reject the clarion calls of imperial geopolitics, even if they are not yet inclined to engage the United States openly by forming defensive alliances and the like. These states inhabit, more or less, a geopolitical purgatory that is situated between acquiescence and co-option. At present, such governmental ambivalence is not a source of significant resistance. Even China at this stage is more or less playing this role, mainly acquiescing rather than trying to mount a meaningful resistance.

    Public resentment directed at American militarism and geopolitical hubris in western Europe is widespread and pervasive. But its not accompanied by a progressive political project that offers the prospect of an alternative elite structure. It is ironic that an arch conservative such as Chirac should be now playing the role of being the leader of mainstream diplomatic opposition to the U.S. The weakness of socialism and democratic socialist tendencies in Europe is a dismal part of this picture, limiting the opportunities for collaboration between the popular movement and sympathetic governments. The organized political parties in most of the parts of the world do not seem politically relevant for the purposes of resisting the onset of global fascism. It is the popular movement that gives by far the most hope, and the question posed by this reality is whether this popular movement can generate vehicles for political action that are more than symbolic. Can the peace and global democracy movement transform its symbolic role of mass opposition and resistance into substantive political results? I do not at the moment see how to achieve such global agency, but all progressive forces need to identify with this struggle and hope that enough creative capacity is present to generate those new institutions and vehicles for restructuring geopolitics-from-above. In some dramatic sense what is needed is a new surge of democratic empowerment, an emergent geopolitics-from-below.

    Kothari/ Mian: Does it not seem important then to significantly rethink and democratize the relationship between society, political parties, and the state? Additionally, the vast if dispersed unrest, assertion and mobilization – some of it manifest in the significant cultural and political gatherings at the World Social Forum – would also be the ground for the construction not just of dissenting imaginations but also of alternative political institutions and processes. Communities, even local governments in many places in the world have already begun to conceptualise and implement radically different people-centred economic, cultural and political systems. What are your thoughts on this?

    Richard Falk: Even before this current crisis became so manifest there was a sense that representative democracy through traditional political parties were not serving the well-being of the peoples in nominally democratic societies. There existed a widely felt need to reinvent democracy and to activate the creative roles of civil society to generate innovative ideas, to raise hopes, and to unlock the moral and political imagination of humanity.

    How does one goes about moving toward a new relationship between the state and society? Is it possible to restructure the state, to recapture it for a more populist agenda, remove it from control by the private sector and the military control? Can political action make the state into an instrument for more progressive social change? The global civil society movement was coming toward such an understanding in the late 1990’s. Despite its grassroots base of support, activists were not overall abandoning the state, but participating in a politics that aimed prudently to create a new equilibrium between capital and society. This equilibrium, never altogether satisfactory, had been lost in this early phase of globalization when the private sector successfully appropriated the mechanisms of the state for pursuing its goals of neo-liberal economics on the global stage. Now the populist and democratic agenda has been enlarged and altered to accord priority to anti-militarism, an adjustment to American geopolitical intoxication that is now being treated as the number one menace.

    This is a challenge to the extraordinary annual gatherings at Porto Allegre – which is itself a very encouraging invention of new policymaking arenas The challenge for these new political arenas is to incorporate anti-militarism with anti neo-liberalism and create the ideological climate for the emergence of a progressive politics that neither foregoes the sovereign state, nor limits its sense of institutional problem-solving to statist action. This new progressivism could emerge in forms that we cannot fully anticipate at the moment, but many of the elements are there already. This development is the main source of hope that we can have for a positive human future. We cannot count on just drifting within this present political landscape and think it possible to avoid catastrophe. How are we to arrest this drifting toward catastrophe without summoning the energies that have been evolving out of civil society and transnational social movements. I believe firmly that grassroots politics has the creative potential to produce an alternate vision that can mobilize people sufficiently.

    Kothari/ Mian: What happens to the entire process of deepening the international normative framework, the human rights system where some significant progress has been made? What are the threats and the possibilities of the survival and strengthening of the entire UN system and the progress in international law?

    Richard Falk: It is urgent that democratic forces do their best to safeguard the UN system. It is possible to believe that as the U.S. grows disillusioned with its capacity to control the UN, an institutional vacuum will emerge, and that it could be filled by civic forces leading the UN to flourish as never before. If the geopolitical managers treat the UN as unimportant, it may become more available for moderate states and their allies in global civil society. To the extent that the U.S abandons the UN, it will be a challenge for the rest of the world to strengthen its commitment both by adding resources and enlarging capacities, and psychologically endowing the organization and such kindred initiatives as the International Criminal Court with renewed vigor. The UN can revive our hopes for the future even if it is largely immobilized in relation to peace and security as it was throughout most of the cold war. It was really irrelevant to the way in which cold war violent conflicts were negotiated in Asia and elsewhere. This experience of the fifty years following World War II is probably an image of what is likely to happen at least during the next decade when the UN will almost certainly be marginalized with respect to the resolution of major geopolitical issues. At the same time the UN may enhance its contributions by providing an enlarged space for normative deepening in relation to human rights, environmental protection, and global justice issues. It is also possible that in reaction to this growing fear of global domination there will be developed a series of regional spaces for normative development of the sort that in the most optimistic sense seem to be occurring in Europe through the development of the European human rights framework, especially the European Court of Human Rights. I can envision other regional developments – Asian and African leaders have been talking more and more about constructing new institutions. Perhaps, a robust framework of resistance and creativity, the evolution of regional institutions, regional norms, regional political consciousness, will surprise us positively, both as resistance to the global project and as a positive sort of normative development.

  • Iraq & North Korea Meeting the Challenge of Nuclear Weapons Proliferation

    President Bush has adopted very different policies toward Iraq and North Korea, despite having provocatively labeled both countries part of the “Axis of Evil,” along with Iran. He has repeatedly threatened war if Iraq does not divulge and eliminate its purported weapons of mass destruction, has been moving US troops into the Gulf region to demonstrate the seriousness of his intent, has engaged in threatening practice bombing runs over Iraqi territory, and has been illegally arming and inciting opposition forces to initiate a civil war in Iraq. But, with regard to North Korea, which has now admitted to having a nuclear weapons program and is known to have advanced delivery systems, Bush has made clear that he prefers to rely on diplomacy over military action.

    Iraq appears to be cooperating with the UN weapons inspectors, while North Korea has asked the inspectors to leave its country and has given notice of its intent to withdraw from the Non-Proliferation Treaty, as is its legal right, in order to pursue, if it chooses, a nuclear weapons program free from treaty restraints. Why, then, is war the prospect for Iraq and diplomacy for North Korea?

    Bush seeks to justify the distinction by insisting that Iraq poses special dangers because it has invaded neighboring countries in the past and has previously used non-nuclear weapons of mass destruction. This distinction, however, seems dubious, especially given past US policies. Iraq invaded Iran in 1980 at the urging of the US, and the US was fully aware of Iraq’s use of chemical weapons in its war against Iran and against the Kurds. At the time the US was supporting Iraq and even supplying it with many of the components needed to produce chemical and biological weaponry. When Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, the US ambassador at the time sent mixed signals, telling Saddam Hussein that its dispute with Kuwait was a matter of only regional concern.

    The two aggressive wars initiated by Iraq during Saddam’s rule both involve a measure of US complicity. Iraq has not acted aggressively toward neighbors during the past decade. Iraq fully understands that if it were to threaten or use weapons of mass destruction at this point it would face almost certain annihilation, and nothing in Saddam Hussein’s career, however brutal, suggests such irrationality. Indeed, the Baghdad regime has always given highest priority to its own survival and to that of the Iraqi state.

    The Bush administration has set itself up as the arbiter of who is and who is not allowed to possess weapons of mass destruction. This is not a strategy likely to succeed without giving American foreign policy a militarist character that includes being constantly prepared for warfare in remote parts of the world. In recent years, the US failed to stop India and Pakistan from developing and possessing nuclear weaponry. Nor did it act to prevent Israel from developing its own nuclear arsenal, and even appears to have supported Israel’s program in various ways. At a minimum, the US certainly turned a blind eye toward this dangerous addition to the nuclear weapons club. Bush has chosen to continue these policies, which predate his presidency, despite his seeming preoccupation with nuclear proliferation.

    The Arab world is keenly aware that the US has adopted very different standards for Iraq and North Korea, and also with respect to Iraq and Israel. There is no acceptable explanation of this double standard other than the strategic opportunism of Washington.

    Is the real rationale for the policy that the US doesn’t want unpredictable leaders to develop nuclear arsenals? Doubtful, because North Korea, Pakistan and Israel each currently have unpredictable leaders.

    Is the policy that the US will only allow its allies to develop nuclear arsenals? Also doubtful, because North Korea, India and Pakistan are not properly regarded as allies, although Pakistan has temporarily shifted its alignment due to pressure from Washington in the aftermath of September 11th.

    Is the policy that the US will use the suspected development of weapons of mass destruction as an excuse to intervene in a country that sits on large oil reserves? One cannot help feeling that oil is a major economic and strategic interest that helps explain why the Bush administration seems so intent on waging war against Iraq as a prelude to regime change. There may be other political and strategic motivations as well, including the desire to assert regional dominance in the Middle East and eliminate a troublesome leader.

    We believe that the US government needs to develop a consistent policy on weaponry of mass destruction that applies to all nations. President Bush’s pursuit of a diplomatic solution with North Korea seems like the right course of action, especially if compared to its approach to Iraq.

    The US Government needs to enter into negotiations with North Korea, rather than seeking to isolate it. The United States must also be willing to offer security assurances as well as much needed development assistance to the people in North Korea in exchange for the North Koreans forgoing their nuclear option. It would be diplomatically constructive for the US to encourage the establishment of a Northeast Asian Nuclear Weapons Free Zone that covers the two Koreas, Japan, Taiwan, and that portion of Chinese and US nuclear forces deployed in Northeast Asia. It would also be helpful to support reunification discussions between Seoul and Pyongyang.

    With regard to Iraq, the Bush administration should also be willing to enter into negotiations. The UN inspectors, after all, have already reportedly visited well over 200 Iraqi sites, selected on the basis of intelligence leads, and have so far found no evidence of prohibited weaponry. If the Bush administration has information, as it repeatedly has claimed, that Iraq has violated the UN mandate on eliminating its weapons of mass destruction, it has an obligation to provide this information to the UN inspectors so that they can carry out their work. In the event that Iraq is cleared by the UN inspectors with respect to nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction programs, the US should end its sanctions against Iraq and certainly end the bombing of the No-Fly Zones that it established in Iraq more than a decade ago without any authorization by the Security Council.

    To be consistent in its efforts to control the spread of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East, the Bush administration should put pressure on Israel to eliminate its nuclear arsenal. Resolution 687, calling for Iraq’s nuclear disarmament, makes note of the calls to create a Middle East Nuclear Weapons Free Zone and Weapons of Mass Destruction Free Zone. The US should seek to realize these goals, and this will not be possible unless Israel’s nuclear arsenal is dismantled. As a major donor of military aid to Israel, the US is in a position to exert a benign influence on Israel’s policy on these issues that will be helpful in the pursuit of regional stability and a just peace throughout the Middle East.

    The US has wrongly treated the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as a one-way street for more than 30 years. From the outset the treaty was negotiated as a two-way street. The non-nuclear weapons states gave up their right to acquire or develop nuclear weapons in return for a solemn promise by the nuclear weapons states to engage in good faith negotiations for nuclear disarmament. The US, as well as other nuclear weapons states, has not upheld its part of the bargain, which is a “material breach” of the treaty. It has also been unacceptable to other countries, particularly those that feel threatened by US foreign policy.

    Consistency, however, is not enough. Non-proliferation is increasingly being revealed as a dead-end that is not capable of protecting the peoples of the world against the dire possibility of a nuclear war. If the US really wants to put an end to the threat of nuclear proliferation, it must demonstrate that it has the political will to propose and engage in serious negotiations for the total elimination of all nuclear weapons in the world, including its own, as called for almost 35 years ago in the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

    War is not a solution to preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The only approach with some chance of success depends on a demonstrable political will to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. When the US demonstrates this political will, the inspection procedures and institutional structures to guard against cheating can be established, tested and gradually implemented. Only at that point can the world begin to breathe more easily.

    Moving in this direction will require a sea change in the strategy of the US Government, but it is the only policy that will have the consistency and international support needed to succeed, and is by far the best way to reduce the threat of nuclear catastrophe. Until the United States is prepared to forego its own nuclear weapons option, preventing others from doing what we have been doing for more than half a century will seem like an extreme version of moral hypocrisy. It is time for Americans to realize that reliance on nuclear weapons is incompatible with our most fundamental moral and legal obligations as well as with preventing and reversing nuclear proliferation.
    *Richard Falk, visiting professor, Global Studies, University of California at Santa Barbara, is chair of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. David Krieger is a founder and president of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.

  • Fearing the Aftermath

    America and Americans on September 11th experienced the full horror of the greatest display of grotesque cunning in human history. Its essence consisted in transforming the benign everyday technology of commercial jet aircraft into malignant weapons of mass destruction. There has been much talk about Americans discovering the vulnerability of their heartland in a manner that far exceeds the collective trauma associated with the attack on Pearl Harbor. But the new vulnerability is radically different and far more threatening. It involves the comprehensive vulnerability of technology so closely tied to our global dominance, pervading every aspect of our existence. To protect ourselves against such the range of threats that could be mounted by those of fanatical persuasion is a mission impossible. The very attempt would turn America quickly into a prison state.

    And yet who could blame the government for doing what it can in the coming months to reassure a frightened citizenry. Likely steps seem designed to make it more difficult to repeat the operations that produced the WTC/Pentagon tragedy, but it seems highly unlikely that a terrorist machine intelligent enough to pull off this gruesome operation would suddenly become so stupid as to attempt the same thing soon again.

    The atrocity of September 11th must be understood as the work of dark genius, a penetrating tactical insight that endangers our future in fundamental respects that we are only beginning to apprehend. This breakthrough in terrorist tactics occurred in three mutually reinforcing dimensions: (1) the shift from extremely violent acts designed to shock more than to kill to onslaughts designed to make the enemy’s society into a bloody battlefield, in this instance, symbolically (capitalism and militarism) and substantively (massive human carnage and economic dislocation); (2) the use of primitive capabilities by the perpetrators to appropriate technology that can be transformed into weaponry of mass destruction through the mere act of seizure and destruction; (3) the availability of competent militants willing to both carry out such crimes against humanity at the certain cost of their own lives. Such a lethal, and essentially novel, combination of elements poses an unprecedented challenge to civic order and democratic liberties. It is truly a declaration of war from the lower depths.

    It is important to appreciate this transformative shift in the nature of the terrorist challenge both conceptually and tactically. Without comprehending these shifts, it will not be possible to fashion a response that is either effective or legitimate, and we need both. It remains obscure on the terrorist side whether an accompanying strategic goal accompanies this tactical escalation. At present it appears that the tactical brilliance of the operation will soon be widely regarded as a strategic blunder of colossal proportions. It would seem that the main beneficiaries of the attack in the near future are also the principal enemies of the perpetrators. Both the United States globally and Israel regionally emerge from this disaster with greatly strengthened geopolitical hands. Did the sense of hatred and fanaticism of the tactical masterminds induce this seeming strategic blindness? There is no indication that the forces behind the attack on the 11th were acting on any basis beyond their extraordinary destructive intent.

    And so we are led to the pivotal questions: what kind of war? What kind of response? It is, above all, a war without military solutions. Indeed it is a war in which the pursuit of the traditional military goal of “victory” is almost certain to intensify the challenge and spread the violence. Such an assessment does not question the propriety of the effort to identify and punish the perpetrators, and to cut their links to governmental power. In our criticism of the current war fever being nurtured by an unholy alliance of government and media we should not forget that the attacks on the 11th were massive crimes against humanity in a technical legal sense, and those guilty of their commission should be punished to the extent possible. Having acknowledged this legitimate right of response is by no means equivalent to an endorsement of unlimited force. Indeed, an overreaction may be what the terrorists were seeking to provoke so as to mobilize popular resentment against the United States on a global scale. We need to act effectively, but within a framework of moral and legal restraints.

    First of all, there should be the elementary due process of identifying convincingly the perpetrators, and their backers. Secondly, there should be a maximal effort to obtain authorization for any use of force in a specific form through the procedures of the United Nations Security Council. Unlike the Gulf War model, the collective character of the undertaking should be integral at the operational level, and not serve merely as window-dressing for unilateralism. Thirdly, any use of force should be consistent with international law and with the just war tradition governing the use of force- that is, discriminating between military and civilian targets, proportionate to the challenge, and necessary to achieve a military objective, avoiding superfluous suffering. If retaliatory action fails to abide by these guidelines, with due allowance for flexibility depending on the circumstances, then it will be seen by most others as replicating the fundamental evil of terrorism. It will be seen as violence directed against those who are innocent and against civilian society. And fourthly, the political and moral justifications for the use of force should be accompanied by the concerted and energetic protection of those who share an ethnic and religious identity with the targets of retaliatory violence.

    Counseling such guidelines does not overcome a dilemma that is likely to grow more obvious as the days go by: something must be done but there is nothing to do. What should be done if no targets can be found that are consistent with the guidelines of law and morality? We must assume that the terrorist network has anticipated retaliation even before the attack, and has taken whatever steps it can to “disappear” from the planet, to render itself invisible. The test then is whether our leaders have the forbearance to refrain from uses of forces that are directed toward those who are innocent in these circumstances, and whether our citizenry has the patience to indulge and accept such forbearance. It cannot be too much stressed that the only way to win this “war” (if war it is) against terrorism is by manifesting a respect for the innocence of civilian life, and to reinforce that respect by a credible commitment to the global promotion of social justice.

    The Bush Administration came to Washington with a resolve to conduct a more unilateralist foreign policy that abandoned the sorts of humanitarian pretenses that led to significant American-led involvements in sub-Saharan Africa and the Balkans during the 1990s. The main idea seemed to be to move away from a kind of liberal geopolitics and downsize the American international role by limiting overseas military action to the domain of strategic interests and to uphold such interests by a primary reliance on its own independent capabilities. Behind such thinking was the view that the United States did not need the sort of help that it required during the cold war, and at the same time it should not shoulder the humanitarian burdens of concern for matters that were remote from its direct interests. Combined with its enthusiasm for missile defense and weapons in space, such a repositioning of US foreign policy was supposed to be an adjustment to the new realities of the post-cold war world. Contrary to many commentaries, such a repositioning was not an embrace of isolationism, but represented a revised version of internationalism based on a blend of unilateralism and militarism.

    In the early months of the Bush presidency this altered foreign policy was mainly expressed by repudiating a series of important, widely supported multilateral treaty frameworks, including the Kyoto Protocol dealing with global warming, the ABM Treaty dealing with the militarization of space, and Biological Weapons Convention Protocol dealing with implementing the prohibition on developing biological weaponry. Allies of the United States were stunned by such actions, which seemed to reject the need for international cooperation to address global problems of a deeply threatening nature.

    And then came the 11th, and an immediate realization in Washington that the overwhelming priority of its foreign policy now rested upon soliciting precisely the sort of cooperative international framework it had worked so hard to throw into the nearest garbage bin. Whether such a realization goes deeper than a mobilization of support for global war only time will tell. Unlike the Gulf War or Kosovo War, which were rapidly carried to their completion by military means, a struggle against global terrorism even in its narrowest sense would require the most intense forms of inter-governmental cooperation ever experienced in the history of international relations. Hopefully, the diplomacy needed to receive this cooperation might set some useful restraining limits on the current American impulse to use force excessively and irresponsibly.

    A root question underlying the American response is the manner with which it deals with the United Nations. There is reportedly a debate within the Bush Administration between those hardliners who believe that the United States should claim control over the response by invoking the international law doctrine of “the inherent right of self-defense” and those more diplomatically inclined, who favor seeking a mandate from the Security Council to act in collective self-defense. Among the initiatives being discussed in the search for meaningful responses is the establishment through UN authority of a special tribunal entrusted with the prosecution of those indicted for the crime of international terrorism, possibly commencing with the apprehension and trial of Osama bin Laden. Such reliance on the rule of law would be a major step in seeking to make the struggle against terrorism enjoys the genuine support of the entire organized international community.

    It needs to be understood that the huge challenge posed by the attacks can only be met effectively by establishing the greatest possible distance between the perpetrators and those who are acting on behalf of their victims. And what is the content of this distance? An unconditional respect for the sacredness of life, and the dignity of the human person. One of the undoubted difficulties in the weeks and months ahead will be to satisfy the bloodthirst that has accompanied the mobilization of America for war while satisfying the rest of the world that it is acting in a manner that displays respect for civilian innocence and human solidarity. A slightly related problem, but with deeper implications, is to avoid seeming to exempt state violence from moral and legal limitations, while insisting that such limitations apply to the civic violence of the terrorists. Such double standards will damage the indispensable effort to draw a credible distinction between the criminality of the attack and the legitimacy of the retaliation.

    There are contradictory ways to address the atrocities of the 11th: the prevailing mood is to invoke the metaphor of cancer, and to preach military surgery of a complex and globe-girdling character that needs to be elevated to the status of a world war, and bears comparison with World War I and II; the alternative, which I believe is far more accurate as diagnosis and cure, is to rely on the metaphor of an iceberg. The attack on America was the tip of an iceberg, the submerged portions being the mass of humanity that is not sharing in the fruits of modernity, but finds itself under the heel of American economic, military, cultural, and diplomatic power. To eliminate the visible tip of the iceberg of discontent and resentment may bring us a momentary catharsis, but it will at best create an illusion of “victory.” What needs to be done is to extend a commitment to the sacredness of life to the entire human family, in effect, joining in a collective effort to achieve what might be called “humane globalization.”

    The Israel/Palestine conflict, its concreteness and persistence, is part of this new global reality. All sides acknowledge relevance, but the contradictory narratives deform our understanding in serious respects. Israel itself has seized the occasion to drop any pretense of sensitivity to international criticism and calls for restraint in its occupation of the Palestinian Territories. Israeli spokespersons have been active in spreading the word that now America and the world should appreciate what sorts of adversaries Israel has faced for decades, and should learn from Israel’s efforts to control and destroy its terrorist enemies. Those supporting Palestinian rights in contrast argue that the sorts of violence generated by Israeli oppression and refusal to uphold international law and human rights gives rise to a politics of desperation that includes savage attacks on Israeli civilian society. They argue that giving a suppressed people the choice between terrorism and surrender is abusive, as well as dangerous.

    On the deepest levels, the high tech dominance achieved by American power, so vividly expressed in the pride associated with “zero casualties” in the 1999 NATO War over Kosovo, is giving to the peoples of the world a similar kind of choice between poverty and subjugation and vindictive violence.

    Is our civil society robust enough to deliver such a message in some effective form? We cannot know, but we must try, especially if we value the benefits of discussion and debate as integral to the health of democracy. Such an imperative seems particularly urgent because of the vacuum at the top. There has been in these terrible days of grieving for what has been lost, no indication of the sort of political, moral, and spiritual imagination that might begin to help us all better cope with this catastrophe. We should not fool ourselves by blaming George W. Bush or Republicans. The Democratic Party and its leaders have shown no willingness or capacity to think any differently about what has occurred and what to do about it. Mainstream TV has apparently seen its role as a war-mobilizing and patrioteering mechanism with neither interest nor capacity to include alternative voices and interpretations. The same tired icons of the establishment have been awakened once more to do the journeyman work of constructing a national consensus in favor of all-out war, a recipe for spreading chaos around the world and bringing discredit to ourselves.

    We are poised on the brink of a global inter-civilizational war without battlefields and borders, a war seemingly declared against the enigmatic and elusive solitary figure of Osama bin Laden stalking remote mountainous Afghanistan while masterminding a holy war against a mighty superpower. To the extent that this portrayal is accurate it underscores the collapse of world order based on the relations among sovereign, territorial states. But it also suggests that the idea of national security in a world of states is obsolete, and that the only viable security is what is being called these days “human security.” Yet, the news has not reached Washington, or for that matter, the other capitals of the world. There is still present the conviction that missile defense shields, space weaponry, and anti-terrorist grand coalitions can keep the barbarians at bay. In fact, this conviction has turned into a frenzy in the aftermath of the 11th, giving us reason to fear the response almost as much as the initial, traumatizing provocations. As the sun sets on a world of states, the sun of its militarism appears ready to burn more brightly than ever!