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  • Ballistic Missile Defense will Diminish Our Security

    Ballistic missile defense is a fraud on the American people. Those who promote missile defense promise something they cannot deliver — security from a nuclear attack. The truth is that deployment of missile defenses will make the United States and the rest of the world even less secure than they are today.

    Will a national missile defense work if deployed? It is very doubtful. We know that most tests of the system have failed, and that these failures have occurred when the testers knew in advance when a missile would be launched, from where it would be launched, and where it would be aimed. Given all this information, one would think it would be relatively easy to have successful tests. In a real world situation, none of this information would be available in advance.

    Additionally, in the real world an attacker would plan for the defensive system and release decoys along with the real warheads in order to confuse and confound the defensive system. This would make it even more difficult for a national missile defense system to be successful.

    The biggest problem with a national missile defense, however, is that potential “rogue” state attackers those the system is designed to protect against probably wouldn’t consider attacking the United States with ballistic missiles. It would be foolish for them to do so since a missile attack comes with a return address and the US would be able to respond with overwhelming force.

    If a “rogue” state wanted to attack the United States with a weapon of mass destruction, it would be far easier and safer for that country to deliver the weapon by means of ship, van or backpack. By attacking in this way, there would be no return address for the US to retaliate against. This would also be the most likely means by which terrorists could attack American cities.

    In addition to being ineffective to protect the US against potential “rogue” state attackers, missile defenses are threatening to Russia and China. These countries believe that deployment of missile defenses, even if ineffective, will put the US in the position to initiate a first-strike attack against them and then use the defensive system to knock down any of their missiles that survived the US attack.

    US deployment of missile defenses will further increase tensions with Russia and China and make an accidental nuclear war more likely. At one point, US officials even suggested to the Russians that they could assure themselves against a US attack by keeping Russian missiles on hair-trigger alert, ready to be launched on warning. This is very dangerous. US defense officials should be working with Russians to take all nuclear weapons off hair-trigger alert. Failure to do so is irresponsible at best.

    US deployment of a National Missile Defense will throw more than 35 years of arms control efforts into disarray. It will violate the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, and undermine the Non-Proliferation Treaty and the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaties. It will be destabilizing to global security, and make the world a more dangerous place. That is why most countries, including US allies, are not enthusiastic about US plans for ballistic missile defenses.

    In sum, US ballistic missile defenses would be ineffective, destabilizing and dangerous. And yet, the US government appears willing to spend another $100 billion or perhaps even much more to deploy such systems. One can only wonder at this “spend now, think later” approach to national security.

    The alternative solution to increasing national and global security is US leadership toward a nuclear weapons free world. As recently as May 2000, the US, along with other nuclear weapons states, promised an “unequivocal undertaking…to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals.” We call for the US to take this promise seriously and to convene at the earliest possible time a meeting of all nuclear weapons states to move forward together in fulfilling their promises by developing an agreed-upon plan for the phased and verified elimination of all nuclear weapons from the planet.

    *David Krieger, an attorney and political scientist, is President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.

  • The History of My Peace Activities with an A-bomb Survivor and Student Peace Fellows

    I have dreamed of participating in Sadako Peace Day ever since I learned that the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation commemorates August 6th every year. The reason why I have not been able to attend this ceremony is that I have always been in Hiroshima on the same day. After my first meeting with an atomic bomb survivor of Hiroshima, Miyoko Matsubara, I organized a college student volunteer group and visited Hiroshima for three days including on August 6th to study peace. This encounter with one Hibakusha, or an A-bomb survivor, changed my life dramatically. I would like to share with you a brief history of my peace activities with a Hibakusha and Japanese students, my fellow peace companions.

    It was the winter of 1996 that Miyoko came to my university, Soka University in Tokyo, Japan, to share her life story. I was a senior at that time. Even though I had learned about Hiroshima and Nagasaki in school, I had little knowledge about the issue; I knew that thousands of innocent people were killed instantly and that still many survivors suffer from radiation exposure. But I didn’t know why it really happed and how survivors have struggled to live. So, it was the first time for me to hear a first hand experience from a Hibakusha. I was so furious about the brutality of nuclear weapons and felt the urgent need to do something so that the same mistake will not be repeated. Then, I decided to take action by supporting her peace activities. I decided to go to Hiroshima, believing that I should visit the very place where the atomic bomb was dropped to know what really happened.

    The next year, in spring of 1997, 9 students, including myself, and one American professor went to Hiroshima. We called this trip “Peace Trip to Hiroshima.” We visited the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum, Peace Memorial Park and Okuno Island, where the Japanese army developed poison gas during World War II. We thought that visiting Okuno Island was important in order to know that Japan was an aggressor, not only a victim in terms of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. We also met several Hibakushas and heard their testimonies. Through this trip, we deepened our conviction that nuclear weapons are totally against humanity, and we have to abolish them before all living beings will be exterminated.

    Soon after coming back from Hiroshima, I graduated from university and remained in contact with Miyoko to help her peace activities, including translating Miyoko’s letters both into English and Japanese, helping write drafts of Miyoko’s letters and speeches, traveling overseas with her as an assistant/ translator several times, and so forth. What has amazed me most is Miyoko’s power of spirit. Physically, she is very sick; she had breast cancer caused by radiation. Now there are two polyps in her stomach that might turn into another cancer someday. So, she has “bombs” inside her body. However, since she has a strong sense of mission that telling her experience will help abolish nuclear weapons, she continuously talks to people both in Japanese and English, and in Japan and overseas.

    In fall of 1997, the same year that I went to Hiroshima for the first time, Miyoko offered me a chance to travel to the US with her. One of the destinations of our trip was the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. Greatly impressed by Dr. David Krieger, president of Nuclear Age Peace Foundation’s personality, his passion for peace, and the Foundation’s dedication for peace activities, I decided to establish a student peace advocate group, which would support the Foundation’s activities, at Soka University from which I graduated. Then, in the following year, in 1998, I established the Friends of Nuclear Age Peace Foundation with students. Since the establishment, as an advisor, I have coordinated several activities with students: conducting “Peace Trip to Hiroshima” in every August, translating the Foundation’s information into Japanese and putting it on our web site, and holding study groups. One of the biggest accomplishments was when our student government passed “The Abolition 2000 Soka University Campus Resolution” last year. This is our pledge that we oppose nuclear weapons, the evil weapons of mass destruction. In order to pass the resolution, we organized several seminars, aiming for students’ conscious rising, invited Miyoko to share her experience, and collected signatures to support passing the resolution.

    Through these activities, I have learned that students possess a profound potential to become a strong source for social change. My mentor, Daisaku Ikeda, the founder of Soka University and the recipient of the World Citizenship Award in 1999 by the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, says that “[Mahatma] Gandhi proclaimed that the ‘power of the spirit’ is stronger than any atomic bomb. To transform this century of war into a century of peace, we must cultivate the limitless inherent power of human life. This is the ‘human revolution’.” I found that this “human revolution”, namely the inner transformation or strengthening life condition, which never succumbs to injustice, in the level of each individual is the assured way that will lead to create a world without nuclear weapons. In order to cultivate our strong self, we need to carry on hope, a hope that we can change the world. This is what Sadako had done until the very moment of her death. With hope that folding 1000 cranes would bring her longer life, Sadako continued folding cranes on her sickbed. Even though she died young, her hope and her “power of spirit” have been passed on from generation to generation.

    Finally, I would like to end my speech with one of my favorite poems written by Dr. Krieger. This is a poem dedicated to young people worldwide.

    You are a miracle, entirely unique. There has never been another With your combination of talents, dreams, and hopes. You can create. You are capable of love and compassion. You are a miracle. You are a gift of creation to itself. You are here for a purpose which you must find. Your presence here is sacred-and you will Change the world.

    Thank you very much!

  • Memories of the Trinity Bomb, Reflections of the 7th Annual Sadako Peace Day

    Fifty-six years ago the United States dropped an atomic bomb on Hiroshima and the world was changed. Humankind lives the legacy of the events of the summer of 1945 in countless ways, great and small, personal and political. The end of the Cold War did not halt the fierce global race for more powerful armaments. And today, as citizens of the United States, as members of the world community, we face many great and grave decisions about the future, concerning missile defense, arms control and test ban treaties, the international proliferation of nuclear weapons and the development of, and trade in, weapons material, nuclear, biological and chemical. It is difficult not to despair of the overwhelming amount of work to be done.

    However, this afternoon, in a garden dedicated to children and to peace, I would like to put aside these daunting challenges and look to the sacredness of the small and the power of place to transform our lives. I am reminded of Mother Theresa’s statement, “We can do no great things, only small things with great love.”

    This is the seventh ceremony to be held in this garden, on these benches, dedicated to Sadako Sasaki, one of the millions of children we lost to the twentieth century’s brutal wars. This garden has come to have personal significance for me, and for many like me, who have found moments of inner quietude in the shelter of the Tree of Faith. My husband, Joseph, and I have come to the Immaculate Heart Center on retreat over the last six years, and I have learned many things from the Tree of Faith. Several years ago, I was looking at the very top, at the fragile new leaves opening there. And I realized that those leaves, growing from the majesty of this sturdy trunk and these strong branches, were as young, as fresh, as the smallest seedling growing in the brush. This was a lesson to me about history, about aging, about the past giving birth to the future. This regal tree delicately recreating itself through time- God’s grace at work in small things.

    So, this afternoon, let us renew ourselves, and rededicate our lives to peace.

    Several years ago, I realized that in order for me to deepen my understanding of what it might mean to invent a peace that has never existed in humankind’s history, I had first to deepen my understanding of the legacy of war in my own life. Thus, an explanation of the title of my comments is in order. Memories of the Trinity Bomb is the name of a Japanese documentary film about me and my search for the moral legacy of the atomic bomb, as the daughter of Manhattan Project scientists. Last fall, a Japanese documentary maker, Yoshihiko Muraki, read portions of my book, Atomic Fragments: A Daughter’s Questions, and was inspired to tell Japanese people the story of my quest in search of the personal meaning of the bomb in the lives of the scientists who created it.

    Mr. Muraki told me that there is a great gap between Japanese and American understandings of the atomic bomb. Japanese people, he said, see themselves as victims of the bomb, Americans see the bomb as having ended a brutal war. My words spoke to him across that gap, and he hopes that his film, which premiered last night on Japanese television, will be a step toward bridging understandings between our peoples-another small thing.

    This past spring, I spent more than thirty days with the Japanese film crew, traveling to Manhattan Project sites around the country, and to other places of personal and historical significance. The first place we visited together was the Trinity site in New Mexico, where the atomic bomb was first tested in July 1945. The last place we visited together was this garden.

    Although I was born four years after the end of the war, I do have very real “memories of the Trinity bomb.” I grew up with pictures of the Trinity test. My mother, with an undergraduate degree in physics, was an optics expert, and a member of the Los Alamos team that developed the photographic equipment for the test. I have a vivid childhood memory of studying the photographs of that test, famous pictures that many of you have no doubt seen, of the silvery bubble that was the deadly fire ball, expanding into the towering mushroom cloud.

    Then, three years ago, while doing research for my book, I visited Trinity. The site is only open to the public twice a year, and thousands of people came. I was alone among the crowds. At the obelisk marking ground zero, I witnessed a young Japanese woman weeping.

    As I wrote in Atomic Fragments, I was struck by the sacredness of the place, somehow representing not only the lives and deaths of the bomb’s victims, but the lives and deaths of all victims of war. I silently walked the great circle around ground zero, wondering if my prayers had the power to relieve past suffering.

    After Trinity, I drove up to Santa Fe. The next day was Sunday, and I walked to the cathedral, where mass was being said. Listening to the message of Christian loving kindness, I felt a lonely, deep despair. I could not imagine how, with all of our differences, it would ever be possible for the planet’s peoples to understand each other. How would the world ever be free of war? But following on that, I was graced with the smallest sense of hope. And at that moment, a nascent feeling, the conviction that there is something in our humanity that binds us together, was the only thing I was sure of.

    I never expected to visit Trinity again. However, when the Japanese film makers read my description of ground zero, they asked me to return there with them. There were eight of us at the Trinity site last April, along, with our military escort. There were no crowds, just eight of us, dwarfed by the desolate enormity of the stormy New Mexican wilderness and the memories imprinted on its landscape. I became aware that I was embarking, with them, on a new spiritual journey. They asked what I remembered, and what I felt. Again, I walked the circumference of ground zero, but I was no longer alone. I was accompanied, being observed, interpreted, and listened to.

    Our understandings of the place and time were very different. We were sometimes surprised by each other’s questions and observations, careful about each other’s feelings, judgmental of each other’s actions, and vulnerable to each other’s judgments. But in being there, in experiencing that place together, in examining the fearsome history that joins us, we consented to learn from each other, and in each others’ presence. Our understandings were filtered through our cultures, but by assenting to experience Trinity together, we were united in ITS space and time.

    The last place we visited together was this garden. I had written about attending the dedication on August 6, 1995, and Mr. Muraki wanted to film me here. So, in June, Joseph and I brought our Japanese colleagues, that they might experience its gentle refuge-a space so far from Trinity site. A tiny oasis capable of holding an infinity of prayers. I told them about the dedication of the benches on the fiftieth anniversary of Hiroshima, about Stella Matsuda’s Dance of a Thousand Cranes-Up From Ashes, which she performed in the chapel. I told them about returning here over the years, and even recited a poem I had composed one night under a full moon.

    And so we came to the end of our journey-thirty days together over a three month period. I do not know if, as Mr. Muraki hoped, the story of the daughter of Manhattan Project scientists will speak, in human terms, to the Japanese general public. But I am certain that during our difficult and gratifying time together we took steps toward each other.

    After filming here, we went to my home in Oak View. I motioned to Mr. Muraki that I wished to show him a little garden, sheltered by an old oak tree, where I love to sit. Mr. Muraki speaks some English, but I speak no Japanese. There were two chairs in different sections of the lawn. After some few moments of trying to communicate, I understood that he was asking me in which chair I liked to sit. I showed him. He sat down, and looked out at the mountains in silence.

    There he stayed for many minutes-longer than I had anticipated he would. He was making a gentle gesture, discovering a window into my life, and opening for me, a window into his. A small moment of peace.

    I would like to close by relating my earliest memory of A Thousand Cranes. But first, some background: At Los Alamos, my father worked on the electronics of the bomb’s trigger mechanism. During the war, he advocated a demonstration of the bomb to compel the Japanese surrender. After the war, he never again worked on weapons and dedicated himself to peaceful scientific pursuits, to political and social action, and to building relationships with scientists worldwide, particularly in Japan.

    In the early 1960s, he hosted a young Japanese postdoctoral fellow at Brookhaven National Laboratory. Dr. Wakuta stayed in the United States for one year, and every day of that year, at home in Japan, his wife and young daughter folded three origami cranes as a prayer for his safe return. At the end of a year, they had made one thousand cranes, and once back home, Dr. Wakuta sent the cranes to my parents. Although I did not discuss it with my mother and father at the time, I now wonder if the gift of a Thousand Cranes was not an allusion to the bomb, a gesture of reconciliation, a prayer of forgiveness.

    It is a gift I remember even today-a small thing. One thousand fragile folded cellophane birds of blue, yellow, red, purple, green, suspended in long strands from a flat woven disk.

    Sadako’s cranes had flown around the world. And they continue their flight today, recreated now and into the future, by our hands and our hearts, as we bind ourselves to Sadako’s dream of peace, her small act of great love.

    Mary Palevsky, Ph.D. marypalevsky@cs.com

    Atomic Fragments: A Daughter’s Questions University of California Press, 2000 http://www.ucpress.edu/books/pages/8743.html

  • Hiroshima’s Message: Wage Peace

    On August 6, 1945, the day Hiroshima was bombed with an atomic weapon, humanity walked through a door into an era in which our own annihilation as a species became possible.

    The bombing was a triumph of destructive technology. It sent a message that all cities would become vulnerable to instant devastation. And indeed, over the decades that followed Hiroshima, all cities did become vulnerable to annihilation.

    Nuclear “weapons” are not weapons in the traditional sense of being used to injure or kill enemy forces. Rather, they are devices capable of inflicting massive destruction on population centers, and taking countless innocent lives. In this sense, they are weapons of terrorists.

    The countries that possess nuclear weapons and base their security on the threat of their use do not ordinarily think of themselves as terrorist states, but by any reasonable definition of terrorism they are. They are states that threaten massive retaliation against civilian populations, in violation of the rules and norms of international law.

    There is only one way to assure a human future in which cities are not held hostage to the fate of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and that is by developing new methods of cooperation among nations and peoples. The logical place for this cooperation to take place is in the United Nations, the organization of the world’s nations created with the strong support and leadership of the United States.

    Franklin Roosevelt viewed the United Nations as essential if mankind were to avoid the “scourge of war” which twice in the first half of the 20th century had caused “untold sorrow.” After Roosevelt’s death in April1945, Harry Truman assured that his predecessor’s dream became a reality.

    In the 21st century, nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction can cause even worse consequences than “untold sorrow.” These weapons can cause unimaginable and unalterable silence; they are capable of bringing history to an end by bringing humankind and most other forms of life to an end. We should never lose sight of this. We should never become too comfortable or complacent with these destructive devices holding the potential for our shared demise.

    Missile defenses will not protect us. Such plans offer only comforting illusions. Nor will the threat of retaliation protect us. There will always be some who are too crazed or unreasonable to be deterred by threat of retaliation. There will always be the possibility of human error that leads us stumbling into a disastrous war.

    The only way out is to end the nuclear era by agreeing to the phased elimination of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction. Such agreements must be solidly built with inspections and other means of verification. Such agreements among nations are possible, but they require leadership and particularly leadership from the United States, the world’s most powerful nation.

    We live in a nation in which government is “of the people, by the people and for the people.” Therefore, we, the people, can prevail if we make our voices heard. If the people of this country speak out with a strong voice, the United States could reassume leadership in the United Nations. We could help to build a world free of the threat of all weapons of mass destruction.

    This is a future worth believing in and fighting for. And the effort must begin with each of us. As Albert Camus, the great French writer and philosopher, said in reaction to learning of the bombing of Hiroshima, “Peace is the only battle worth waging. It is no longer a prayer, but an order which must rise up from peoples to their governments – the order to choose finally between hell and reason.”

    *David Krieger is president of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.

  • Building a Culture of Peace

    Building a culture of peace means that we begin educating our young children on personal, local, national and international issues of conflict and violence. All too often, education and dialogue is reserved for undergraduate, post-graduate and professional circles, ignoring the vast resource of youthful enthusiasm and exploration which high school-aged students can provide. The institutions of government, military, and popular media wage educational campaigns to inundate young people’s lives with violent images and wasteful propaganda. If a culture of peace is what we want to provide for the future generations, then we must begin to explicitly *teach peace*. In the United States, this may mean restructuring the academic calendar to make learning at school more permanent rather than seasonal, and it may mean challenging our system of “accountability” where we are teaching our kids to test rather than teaching them to learn and think.

    Furthermore, kids learn by example. So if we want them to learn nonviolence and healthy conflict management, we as a nation must become more vigilant in creating compassionate policies for education, healthcare, foreign countries, immigration, nuclear energy and weapons of mass destruction. As a high school teacher of nonviolence, I tell my students that if they want to know where their priorities are, they should track where they spend their money. Does it go to transportation expenditures, to new clothes or movies, or does it go to charitable causes? Students see where their governments’ priorities are when they learn of the disparity between the defense budget and the education budget.

    *Leah C. Wells is Peace Education Coordinator at the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.

  • Ventura Activist Sets Off on Mission to Iraq

    Ventura resident Leah Wells was one of five Americans who flew to Baghdad on Thursday, hoping to focus attention on the effects of an economic embargo on Iraqis and ultimately to change U.S. foreign policy.

    “The purpose of the trip is to try and put pressure on our government to lift the sanctions,” Wells said Thursday from Chicago before leaving the country. “People can make a difference.”

    Iraq has been under United Nations sanctions since it invaded Kuwait in 1990 and was defeated by forces led by the United States seven months later.

    Wells, 25, is part of a delegation representing the Chicago-based U.S. Voices in the Wilderness, a human rights group that has led dozens of missions into Iraq to deliver medical equipment and gather information.

    “The World Health Organization has reported that over a half-million children and 1 million people overall have died since 1990 as a result of the sanctions,” Wells said. “Women are too malnourished to breast-feed. Children are dying of malnutrition.”

    Wells said many Americans are unaware of the effect the U.N. embargo has had on Iraqis.

    “The humanitarian crisis in Iraq is virtually unreported,” Wells said. “The air strikes were in the news, but the day-to-day suffering of the Iraqi people isn’t well-known.”

    Although this is her first trip to Iraq, Wells said other people who have made the journey have described vast residential tracts with open sewage lines, no electricity, and schools without textbooks.

    The delegation was carrying two duffel bags stuffed with medical journals and supplies, which she said would be invaluable to medical professionals starved for up-to-date information.

    “It’s not just an economic embargo,” she said. “It’s an intellectual embargo as well.”

    A peace activist and a teacher at St. Bonaventure High School in Ventura, Wells teaches a class on nonviolence that covers the situation in Iraq. She said many of her students support her venture.

    “Once the students find out what’s going on, I don’t have to convince them,” she said. “They see it.”

    Wells said she isn’t concerned about repercussions from the trip, which violates the embargo against Iraq.

    “We risk up to 12 years in prison and over $1 million in fines for each delegation we send,” she said. “This is the 38th delegation we’ve sent over and it hasn’t happened yet.”

    * Email Andrea Cavanaugh

  • Update on Mordechai Vanunu

    Mordechai Vanunu, a former nuclear technician, is serving an 18-year sentence at Ashkelon Prison for informing the public about Israel’s secret nuclear weapons program. After revealing information about Israel’s nuclear weapons program to a British newspaper, Vanunu was lured from the UK to Rome, where Israeli agents apprehended him. Vanunu was kept in solitary confinement for more than 11 years, from September 30, 1986 until March 12, 1998. Vanunu’s story published on October 5, 1986, confirmed to the world for the first time that Israel had become a nuclear weapons state and had enough fissile material for as many as 200 advanced nuclear warheads.

    The following is the most recent letter* written by Mordechai Vanunu to David Krieger. The letter was written on December 4th, 2000 and received on June 14th, 2001 by air mail. Portions of the letter were literally cut out to censor Vanunu’s words relating to Israel’s nuclear policies which exemplifies the country’s resolve to continue its “secret” nuclear weapons program without being subjected to international accountability. The censored portions of this letter are marked with brackets [ ].

    Vanunu needs your support. You can write to him at Ashkelon Prison to encourage him. Mail from supporters sustains his hope.

    Mordechai Vanunu Ashkelon Prison Ashkelon, Israel December 4th, 2000

    Dear Mr. David Krieger,

    Thank you very much for your letter of November 13th. I am very glad to know that you are ready to do more for my release and for the abolition of all nuclear weapons [censored] – I’ll continue to write to you as I am writing to others. As you requested in your letter, I will respond on the issue of the nuclear weapons threat to the entire world. As to the names of people, you can ask Sam Day. He knows all the names. I am writing to Noam Chomsky, Howard Zinn, Hans Bethe and others to request they send copies of their letters of support to Sam Day.

    In regards to nuclear weapons, although we are seeing reductions in nuclear weapons by the states who produce and possess them, the vision of abolishing nuclear weapons has not become a reality despite the many large campaigns, ranging from all societies and including retired Admirals and Generals. On the other hand, all those who are supporting nuclear weapons have suffered a huge setback since the end of the Cold War when nuclear weapons lost their justification. For nuclear weapons, lost enemies, lost conflicts and not future justification will happen. Those who are against nuclear weapons must continue to put pressure toward a total ban, abolishing all nuclear weapons in all states which possess them. Economically, nuclear weapons are redundant and states will spend more to continue maintaining them even though they have no future use. That we are moving in the path of abolishing all nuclear weapons is a positive optimist view.

    The second problem is how to deal with small states that have nuclear weapons [censored] which superpowers like the US are now using as a reason to keep nuclear weapons and even justify the development of missile defenses. My example was the best way to deal with [censored] nuclear weapons secrets by revealing to the media world-wide. But it was not enough. As we have witnessed, Israel yet continues to deny and ignore this information and continues to lie in public. This is why the superpowers are not ready to use that information to demand that Israel end its nuclear weapons program. In my view, all anti-nuclear campaigners should use that information to fight Israel’s secret policies, force Israel to open Dimona reactor and sign the NPT with all the consequences [censored] then other small states who also engage in nuclear weapons secrets will follow [censored] and sign the NPT. This is the way to deal wth this phenomena of an unbalanced world of states who have nuclear weapons and states who do not have nuclear weapons. The world would be in a more balanced reality; that is all small states should be free from nuclear weapons. Then all small states, which would be the world’s majority, will put pressure on the superpowers to abolish nuclear weapons. This step is not currently succeeding because of one small state, Israel, is breaking the unity among the world majority to force the superpowers to abolish all nuclear weapons.

    The next interesting point is that all anti-nuclear weapons campaigners do not understand the “Israel effect” on nuclear weapons abolition. Another interesting point is the connection between nuclear weapons and the economy. The post-Cold War era has been an age of economic growth and development. More and more states are realizing the deficit in possessing nuclear weapons and that nuclear weapons do not promote economic development in most of the undeveloped states. These countries are ready to back and support any initiative that will bring the end of nuclear weapons in the entire world. They know that the abolition of nuclear weapons in Europe, the US and the entire world will only bring help and encouragement to global economic activities, including globalization. So anti-nuclear activists should work in this new field to use economic reasons and alliances to defeat nuclear weapons. This could be done especially at economic summits like the G-8 and WTO meetings where decisions or declarations could be issued to abolish nuclear weapons. Rather than fighting the WTO like anarchist environmentalists, we can recreate the WTO and G-8 to begin working toward zero nuclear weapons.

    As to my release, no date for parole or release has been set. My official date of release is April 2004. I support any initiative you and others can do for my release.

    Hope to be free and to meet you and others in Santa Barbara. Thank you.

    Yours Sincerely,

    [signed] Mordechai Vanunu

    *This letter was edited for publishing.

  • Help Shed Public Light on Pictsweet Farm

    I could tell you about the canned food drive that my students in the Solution to Violence class organized at St. Bonaventure High School in support of the Pictsweet farm workers.

    A union organizer and mushroom picker visited my classroom a few weeks ago and told their stories of meetings with bosses, supervisors and high-level officials, of working through the manure fire despite health hazards and of the hardships in working for an oppressive and inconsiderate corporation.

    My Compassionate students-in their final week before graduation, when most other seniors had finals, graduation parties and college on their minds-were making posters, announcements and changes in their psyches and in our community on behalf of people whose cause needs to be heard.

    I could tell you about the companies who continue to buy Pictsweet mushrooms in spite of the boycott against the company.

    Pizza Hut, Sam’s Club, Red Lobster and Papa John’s are just a few of the businesses whose patronage allows Pictsweet management to continue to take advantage of its workers. Yet Vons has taken heed of the injustices and has agreed to stop buying Pictsweet mushrooms.

    The March fire was the result of a pileup of unused compost. The compost piled up because of the boycott’s success-and yet, Pictsweet management refuses to negotiate with its workers even in the face of an environmental catastrophe that affects the soil, water and air of our community. Although various companies have canceled orders of mushrooms, Pictsweet continues its operations with business as usual, and the mushrooms are picked, packaged and then discarded. Pictsweet management has repeatedly denied requests to negotiate with the workers.

    I could tell you how corporate globalization has gone local.

    Powerful corporations capitalize on keeping their consumers ignorant about where their food and services originate. We are not accustomed to questioning the working conditions or lives nor the attitudes or practices of the institutions that regulate the industry. Unfortunately, we are absent when the supervisor condescends to tell the workers that they smell when they come to negotiate or when the organizers and workers are made to wait indefinitely for an appointment to discuss the lack of a contract.

    We are not present when supervisors deny compensation for on-the-job accidents, and we are not around when the vision of Pictsweet workers deteriorates due to inadequate lighting on the hats they wear. Profits are more important than people when workers must continue working, ignorant of the fire’s hazards even as the rest of the community had been informed of its dangers six days prior.

    As a community, we can fight the systemic injustices that transpire at the local level, with Pictsweet, and at the international level, as seen in the unjust policies of the World Bank/International Monetary Fund. “Human need, not corporate greed” is the rallying cry of those working to bring accountability to big business.

    I could tell you about the integrity of the media and about the importance of objectively and comprehensively covering the scope of the injustices transpiring at Pictsweet.

    But instead, I will tell you how you can help. You can respect the livelihood and integrity of the Pictsweet workers by boycotting the aforementioned companies. You can support the United Farm Workers by insisting that a contract between the workers and management be reached. You can demand that the workers be given a raise greater than the last-a three-cent-per-hour increase in the late 1980s. You can support the fund-raisers at Café on A in Oxnard, the proceeds of which go toward helping the cause of the workers. You can help raise awareness in your own community and let other people know the transgressions of Pictsweet.

    Like my students did, you too can make a difference.

    *Leah C. Wells is Peace Education Coordinator at the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.

  • The United Nations Conference on the Illicit Trad in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects

    United Nations Headquarters, New York

     

    The indiscriminate proliferation and sale of millions of illegal small arms and light weapons, including handguns, machine guns, rifles, hand grenades and other light weapons have caused havoc, misery and death annually to over half a million people in developing and industrial countries. An estimated 500 million such weapons are manufactured in many countries and eventually sold to drug dealers, terrorists and other violent groups causing economic and social collapse in many regions, especially Africa, Asia and Latin America, closing schools, businesses and destroying infrastructure. There are an estimated 350 million small arms in the U. S. alone. Governments, businesses, civil society and NGOs are attempting partnerships to address and combat this illicit criminal trade.

     

    The United Nations Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons In All Its Aspects was convened at United Nations Headquarters, New York, July 9 -20, 2001. Louise Frechette, Deputy Secretary General, opening the conference, noted that the enormous proliferation of small arms is creating a culture of violence and crime in mny countries and regions. Camilo Reyes Rodriguez of Colombia, President of the Conference, said the international community is addressing one of the most urgent problems of world peace and security at this time.

     

    During the Plenary the majority of governments and groups of governments, such as the European Union, EU, the Organization of American States OAS, the African Union, AU, the Association of South East Asian Nations, ASEAN, the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS, the Southern African Development Community, the East African Community, as well as many individual nations support the UN Convention on Transnational Organised Crime draft Protocol Against the Illicit Manufacturing and Trafficking in Firearms.

     

    There is also general support for the 1996 UN Disarmament Commission guidelines on international arms transfers. Among the regional initiatives were the InterAmerican Convention Against the Illicit Manufacturing and Trafficking in Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives and Related Matter. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, OSCE, document on Small Arms was approved in November 2000. The AU urged support for the Bamako Declaration that could create effective control of small arms in Africa. MERCOSUR, the Southern Common Market of Latin America, is also making an effort to combat the illicit trade in small arms and light weapons. The U.S. supported the Program of Action with the exception of the prevention of civilian possession of small arms for self defense and sport.

     

    The conference agenda addressed the issues of marking, tracing, regulation of arms brokers and shipping agents, controls on the manufacture and regulations for exports and imports, restraint and responsibility of governments, legal transfers, security of stockpiles, disposal and destruction of weapons, and transparency of military data. Many current initiatives are underway by individual states (Sierra Leone, Ghana, Thailand, Indonesia, the UK, Spain, Bulgaria, and others) that are supporting disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of combatants into the economy.

     

    The Program of Action, adopted without a vote, includes national, regional and global initiatives. National legislation, regulations and administrative procedures, for the production, export, import, transit or retransfer of small arms, should be accompanied by national coordination agencies to create policy for monitoring, tracing, trafficking, brokering, trade, collection and destruction of weapons, public educaton, as well as effective DDR programs. Regional, and subregional, initiatives should include negotiations for prevention and control of the illicit trade, as well as trans-border customs and cooperation between states. Global measures would encourage the World Customs Organization to aid in cooperation for the regional use of the Interpol, the International Police Organization. Implementation for international cooperation and assistance should be supplemented at all levels with intergovermental organizations, financial institutions, civil society and NGOs, as well as legally binding instruments for tracing and exchange of information. A follow up conference in 2006 will review implemention.

     

    The voice of the people was heard in the briefings offered by the International Action Network on Small Arms, IANSA, which is a global network of non-governmental organizations, NGOs, that has a large constituency of 200 NGOs and other organizations worldwide. IANSA has organized many groups for the Small Arms Conference. Monday July 16 statements by NGOs, and other organizations, were presented to the delegations in Conference Room 4 with over 40 groups participating. Many urged the governments to address humanitarian and health concerns, human rights violations, especially for women, children, the disabled, the elderly and the vulnerable. Others urged reduction of military budgets to enhance social issues, the economies and the environment. Thirteen Firearms Community Groups supported the right to small arms and light weapons for civilians. Three groups supported controls of small arms, while others spoke about implementation and follow up to the conference. Mary Leigh Blek of the Million Mom March, USA, got rousing cheers from the NGOs in the balcony, as did Dr. Vyacheslav Sharov, Russian Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, IPPNW Russia. Dr. Natalie Goldring, National Center for Economic and Security Alternatives and Professor at the University of Maryland, urged the adoption of strong and extensive transparency measures accompanied by a global transparency regime for exchange of information on marking, tracing, brokering and relevant issues. Loretta Bondi, Advocacy Director, The Fund for Peace, spoke of a Model Convention on Arms Brokering that would result in an effective implementation of the Program of Action.

     

    The UN Coordinating Action on Small Arms, CASA, was established in 1998 for informaton exchange with various UN departments and agencies. The UN Development Program, UNDP, cooperates with the Department of Disarmament Affairs, DDA, UNICEF, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, UNHCR, the Department of PeaceKeeping Operations, DPKO, the International Labor Organization, ILO, and many countries to combat small arms and light weapons in the field. Working with governments, NGOs, national and local communities and PeaceKeepers, the UNDP “Weapons for Development” programs have collected tens of thousands of illicit military style weapons, while promoting development activites and coordinating disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of combatants, DDR. These ‘Weapons for Development” programs have had a major impact on reducing tensions to promote economic development and local businesses in various countries. Albania, Congo-Brazzaville, the Solomon Islands, Niger and Mali are some examples.

     

    During an Eminent Persons meeting with NGOs, consensus seemed to focus on national legislation and regional cooperation to address marking, tracing, brokering and especially the follow up mechanisms with a conference in 2006 for review and oversight. A code of conduct between businesses and governments for rules and standards, crime prevention and follow up, has been organized by an international manufacturing group. Industry has the technical expertise to help create a system of partnership with states and NGOs that should be successful. A UN Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons was suggested that could be a result from the review conference in 2006. A convention could coordinate all the issues for action orientated implementation, follow up and verification, with cost effective regional cooperative monitoring for governments, the private sector, financial institutions and civil society.

     

    * Nancy E. W. Colton, United Nations Representative, Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. Board of Directors, NGO Committee on Disarmament, Inc.

  • War as a Disease Epidemic

    War has been used to resolve political disputes between countries and within a country; to acquire another nation’s territory; and to defend a nation’s borders from foreign invasion. No matter how war begins, it always ends up to be a devastating form of traumatic disease. Because it kills, injures and disables more people in shorter periods of time than any other known disease, war should be recognized as a true disease epidemic. During World War ll alone 50 million lives were lost.

    Bullets, shells and bombs are not the only culprits. War-related starvation, exposure and epidemics of infection also take their toll. No one is immune. Of the 23 regional wars during the 1980’s, eighty-five percent of the fatalities occurred in civilians.

    Emotional causalities from war occur in the forms of anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorders, drug abuse and alcoholism. These result from the grim, dehumanizing experiences of battle, imprisonment, family separation, death and injuries of fellow comabatants, loss of homes and displacement of refugees. Add to this the anger of the disabled of war and the guilt and fears of survivors whose nightmares refuse to go away.

    If war were recognized as a public health form of disease epidemic, considerably greater effort would be directed to try to prevent war before it occurs. Prevention of any disease is, after all, the most cost-effective means of dealing with any disease especially epidemics. In this case, the cost in lives saved is even more valuable than the money saved.

    If nothing is done until war actually breaks out, it is too late for prevention. Here the analogy to public health epidemic model is that really effective “treatment” to stop an ongoing war is usually impossible. Diplomatic, political and economic pressures are more likely to be effective to prevent war. All too often the treatment of an ongoing war is for other nations to join that war, hardly an effective solution.

    When prevention of war does fail, what options should be considered to reduce suffering and deaths, especially of innocent women, children and civilian men? In a public health model of war, this would be considered the treatment phase for this disease epidemic.

    Priority should be given to minimizing civilian casualties. This could be accomplished by avoiding bombing of civilian neighborhoods and pinpointing strategic targets of military importance. This is now possible using so-called smart laser controlled bombs.

    Second, those weapons that spread destruction from neighborhood to neighborhood like fire bombs, nuclear, chemical and biologic weapons, should be avoided. Those whose killing and maiming power persist long after the war is over, should be banned. Examples are land mines and defoliants such as agent orange.

    The priority of killing as many of the enemy personnel in as short a period of time as possible, has rendered the military leaders to consider the safety of combatants on both sides, as well as civilians, to be of secondary importance. Examples are contaminating our own troops in Vietnam with agent orange; exposing our own troops and nearby communities to the effects of aboveground nuclear detonations; bombing two mostly civilian Japanese cities with atomic bombs in World War Two, when bombing major military targets would likely have been as effective; fifty years of lying that nuclear weapons plants were not polluting nearby American communities; and misleading Persian Gulf War veterans that they were not exposed to Iraqi chemical weapons.

    For these reasons the Defense Department and its military leaders should have independent medical advisors from the Communicable Disease Center to advise them regarding unnecessary risks during peacetime training and war. Military physicians in leadership positions depend upon military superiors, often non-physicians, for their promotions.

    Political and economic isolation of a potential or actual warring aggressor nation would reduce its capacity to obtain weapons and financially reduce its ability to maintain an ongoing war. Diplomatic threats by the United Nations or other organized nations would require detecting the earliest possible indications of an impending war followed by the strongest warning that the economic and political sanctions will certainly be enforced.

    The latter requires the best and most effective early diagnosis that a war may be eminent and the conventional word for this is military intelligence. Recent technical advances using spy satellites allows early detection of war preparations in terms of weapons and supplies.

    An example of the failing to take the opportunity to use diplomatic means to prevent a war occurred when the United States Ambassador to Iraq was asked by the Iraqi government how the United States would react if Iraq invaded Kuwait. The answer given by the U.S. Ambassador was that this would be considered an internal domestic affair. Within days Iraq invaded Kuwait in the Persian Gulf War. If Iraq did not care what the U.S. reaction would be, the U.S. Ambassador would likely not have been asked that question. Why the ambassador was instructed to say what she admitted six months later to a congressional committee is a matter of conjecture.

    The Persian Gulf War was followed by a disabling chronic new epidemic among many thousands of the American military veterans This illness was called The Persian Gulf Syndrome and our military leadership denied that such an illness existed. They claimed that it was just a stress reaction. When Czech military specialists discovered five years later that their instruments detected that American troops were exposed to Iraqi poison gas, it was not initially admitted by American authorities and was downplayed later on. It was an embarrassment to our government because they had checked for poison gas exposure immediately after the Persian Gulf War and had not indicated that any of our troops were exposed to it.

    This illustrates the common phenomenon that during and after war it is quite common for military authorities to evade, lie or exaggerate what has really happened. This distortion of truth also occurs in the censorship of the public media that occurs during war. While the public has come to accept this avoidance of honesty during war as being necessary, it is becoming more evident that in the long run honesty is a better policy. Deceit and lying only breeds suspicion and disbelief of government authorities not only during war but also during peace.

    The emphasis of the prevention of war and the use of effective diplomatic, political and economic alternatives would not necessarily guarantee the elimination of war. However, it would likely decrease its frequency, especially by the countries who are most likely to prefer peaceful methods.

    On the other hand, what about the political despots and dictators who crave the power of war and the acquisition of new territories? This is the reason why even the most peaceful nations need a strong military defense. It is also evident why this prevention-oriented disease model for war is not a form of idealistic passivism. Just the opposite. This approach would require continued vigilance and effort during peacetime to spot the earliest sparks of a possible impending war anywhere in the world and bring it to national and international attention such as the United Nations or NATO. Then international organized political and economic pressures would have a better chance to be effective than waiting until war breaks out.

    Civil wars within a nation’s boundaries are obviously more difficult to deal with. But even here international organized United Nation like pressures could be brought to bear simultaneously upon both opposing political leaders of the warring parties.

    The Vietnamese War is one of the darkest chapters in American History. Even the then Secretary of Defense admitted several decades later that the United States’ Vietnam involvement was a tragic mistake. How does that make the over 50,000 American Families who lost a son, husband or daughter feel? How does that make an American veteran of that war feel? This may be why there are so many drug addicted, alcoholic, homeless and post-traumatic stress syndrome affected Vietnam veterans.

    American involvement in World War ll was obviously unavoidable by the time the U.S. was attacked at Pearl Harbor and had war declared on it by Nazi Germany the following day. In fact it could be argued that this war involving the United States was inevitable by the time Germany and Japan were invading one nation after another. If so, the United States might have considered joining their allies even sooner than they did. Whether United States involvement in World War l, the Korean War, the Spanish American War and the Mexican-American Wars were really necessary is a matter of conjecture.

    Besides the necessary use of war to defend a nation’s borders and possibly to deal with an expanding invader nation, the recent use of military personnel by the United Nations with the help of the United States for humanitarian purposes such as preventing starvation in Somalia and reducing genocide in Bosnia, would appear to be the most ethical use of military personnel. However, it is always important not to expose the United Nations’ and the United States’ troops to greater risks than necessary.

    A practical way to look at war and peace is to consider that for most nations there is not sustained peace. There may be periods of no overt military action but the preparations for the next war goes on as if it were inevitable. The two world wars were only separated by 20 years, Korea occurred only a handful of years later and Vietnam only about ten years after Korea. A number of more limited involvements in the 1980’s and 50 years of high military readiness and preparation occurred between the United States and Russia in the so-called Cold War.

    Therefore, periods of overt war alternate with periods of active preparations for the next one. Preparations include not just maintaining a well-trained military who know how to use the latest weapons but constant upgrading and technological improvements in weapons, air power, rockets, nuclear weapons, submarines and ships, and even development of new means of biologic and chemical warfare.

    The deadly cycle of war and its preparations are not confined to this century but goes all the way back to the very beginnings of human history as documented in ancient Greek and Roman records and even in the Old testament.

    Little wonder that most people believe that war is an inevitable part of human existence and almost nothing can be done to reduce its recurrence. This defeatist attitude regarding war is similar to saying that nothing can be done to eliminate any disease epidemic.

    Yet look at the progress that has been made against the epidemics of heart disease and strokes and the reduction in childhood death rates through immunizations and safe water supplies. An example is how international efforts have actually eliminated smallpox from the face of the earth. Those that are old enough to remember the extent of polio epidemics in the United States before polio immunizations have been greatly impressed by the fact that this disease has all but been totally eliminated from our country and other industrialized nations.

    The futility of war is best illustrated by the horrendous suffering of both military combatants and civilians on both sides of any war. The increasing uncivilizing effects of war is best illustrated by the newer technical weapons that destroy huge numbers of mostly civilians during war. In prior centuries reasonable attempts were made to confine war to military combatants and not target civilians as has been done during this century. Nobody really wins in terms of the ordinary citizens involved in war. The winning political leaders and generals, however, become heroes who often become the future presidents and dictators with even more powerful support.

    The irony of war is illustrated by the fact that our two demonized enemies in World War ll, Japan and Germany, have become our new international friends within just a few short years. Similarly, two of our closest allies during the war, Russia and China, would become our new future enemies during that same short period.

    One of the greatest human rights violations occurs when healthy young men are forced to “lill or be killed” by means of a military draft or conscription. Even during our Revolutionary and Civil Wars the military was primarily composed of volunteers as it has been in the last few decades. Military training during war and peace is a dehumanizing experience. Individual freedom and choice is replaced by being told when and what to eat; when to sleep and when to wake up; what clothes must be worn; where one must live and travel often causing long separations from spouse, family and children. Absolute unquestioning obedience to one’s superior officer results in the ultimate loss of individuality. It the military method would occur in civilian life, it would be immediately labeled as a human rights violation.

    Perhaps all these extreme measures are necessary to be adequately prepared for war. Perhaps they could be made less dehumanizing. What is needed is true scientific studies involving multidisciplinary professionals, officers and enlisted men and women, psychologists, sociologists, and public health experts and both civilian and legal experts.

    Another undemocratic activity is that the decision to go to war has traditionally been the exclusive domain of the top national political leader, king, president or dictator. Even in democracies citizens usually have no voice in this life and death decision. Yet they are the ones who pay the price in terms of lives, disabilities and suffering.

    Our forefathers recognized the unfairness of this power of leaving this life and death decision to just one individual. That is why our constitution provides that only the congressional representatives of our citizens have the right to vote for or against a declaration of war. However, since World War ll our presidents have gotten around this limitation by deploying military combatants around the world, as in Vietnam, and calling it a police action rather than a war. Once our troops are already in harm’s way, then the president will ask Congress to vote for war. By that time we are already involved.

    Look at the remarkable growth of private militias recently all over the United States. They train with modern weapons in their own fenced off and guarded territories. They create their own laws and constitutions and are usually prepared to do battle with federal or local law enforcement authorities if they “invade” their private territories. Usually these organizations promote their own brands of racial and ethnic prejudice and often declare that they are not accountable to the laws of the nation.

    Another concern that has never been properly investigated is the possibility that an individually with an actual or potential personality disorder who undergoes military battle experience, may be unable to turn off the “kill or be killed” war commitment and be unable to resume the “thou shalt not kill” peacetime value. This possibility needs to be studied by behavioral scientists and their military counterparts. Recommendations should be made for military combatants to undergo adequate postwar psychological evaluation and retraining for civilian life before discharge. Whether or not this activity might have prevented the Oklahoma City Federal Building bombing by a recent Persian Gulf War veteran is a matter for conjecture but needs evaluation.

    Consider also the effect of war glamorization used by urban gangs. They also use sophisticated weapon to protect what they consider their neighborhood territories. They dress alike in colors and clothing styles similar to uniforms and often display gang tattoos and use gang signs to communicate. Usually they pledge blind obedience to their gang leaders and take on rival gangs in deadly battle.

    Consider how war has been glorified in our history books, our movies, TV and print media and in our childhood toys and now video games. In fact, if wars were eliminated from our history books and recreational activities, and they will not be, it would cause major economic and educational difficulties. In reality, war is too an important part of civilization to ever eliminate its popularity as games and media. But again, scientific behavioral studies could be done to reduce the excessive sensationalization and commercialization of war. Also appropriate age of exposure to war games, videos and toys needs to be studied by the proper authorities.

    The excitement and glamorization of war has lead countless millions of young men through the ages to join in the military and then to their horror experience the most unimaginable dehumanization witnessing or experiencing the realities of instant death, mutilation and disability. The television series “The Civil War” based on letters from Civil War soldiers said it all very well.

    Part of the glamorization of war is to focus on our historical war heroes. I recall the profound emotional impact when after viewing the names without rand of dead American military on the Vietnam War Memorial in Washington, I immediately walked across the bridge to see the Arlington National Cemetery. Here the military dead had their military ranks on their monuments, especially those of higher rank. My emotional reaction to the rankles lists on the Vietnam Memorial was that these dead men and women were all equally important in life as well as in death. It brought home the full overwhelming tragedy of war that in no way reduces the tragedy of those who were buried at Arlington National Cemetery across the bridge. In fact, all of our military combatants, dead, disabled or intact, deserves the greatest appreciation possible from our country and its citizens. They made truly supreme sacrifices. The greatest honor that could be bestowed on those who have sacrificed their lives in combat would be to reduce the incidence of and severity of wars so that their children ad grandchildren would not have to suffer the same tragic losses.

    With all the cataclysmic technical weapons already available, nuclear, biologic and chemical and those that will be even worse yet to be developed in the future, there is likely to be little or no future human survival unless we become more proficient at preventing and controlling wars.

    It is ironic that the United States is the largest supplier of weapons of war to nations all over the world. These weapons often end up being used against our own troops when they are sold or shared with enemy nations that were not intended to receive these weapons. Also friendly nations do not always remain friendly.

    The Soviet Union left tens of thousands of nuclear armed rockets in many former Soviet nations no longer controlled by a former central authority. Russian authorities announce that some of these weapons, as well as the high-grade plutonium to make them, have disappeared presumably by stealing them and selling them to other countries. The reality is that even smaller nations often lead by dictators have or will soon have nuclear bombs or rockets. Others will manufacture them in the future. There is no realistic way to cap their proliferation and there is little likelihood that the many thousands of those weapons stockpiled by the United States and the former Soviet Union nations can be completely dismantled and eliminated.

    For this reason alone the world has little choice but to reduce and to exert as much control as possible over the possible use of nuclear as well as biologic and chemical weapons. But it also has to be realized that even without using these weapons, increasingly devastating other types of weapons are being developed or will be developed so that it is necessary to emphasize that war itself needs to be more efficiently controlled in frequency and severity and not to focus on nuclear weapons alone.

    Using healthy values to deal with war may seem a contradiction in terms. After all, “First do no harm” can not be applied to war although the healthy value of prevention can. But a public health model for war will help put war and its prevention in a more realistic perspective. It also will make the study of war and its prevention less emotional and nationalistic and more humanistic and scientific. In fact, the prevention of war should be a major focus of universities and medical centers.

    A new world order based on international cooperation rather than military might have already begun. Witness the economic boycott of Iraq by the United Nations; the peaceful resolution of 45 years of the East-West Cold War; international agreements on resolving global pollution; greater international economic cooperation and such entities as the European Common Market. We need every ounce of resources and human creativeness to build rather than to destroy. The real challenges to survival of civilization are international in scope, and include in addition to war, global pollution, overpopulation, international epidemics such as AIDS and urban decay.

    War and violence as public health epidemics are concepts whose time has come and not a moment too soon.