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  • References to Humanitarian Consequences of Nuclear Weapons and a Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapons

    This list does not include references from statements delivered in Arabic or Russian. Full statements available at www.reachingcriticalwill.org.

    Individual statements

    Algeria

    24 April: “The conference held in Oslo in March on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons served once again to provide evidence of the devastating, long-term, irreversible effects of nuclear weapons.” (translation)

    Argentina

    4 April: “Finally, we reiterate the importance our country places on initiatives concerning the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons in the context of the disarmament and non-proliferation regime. In this regard, we reiterate the firm commitment of Argentina to these initiatives, remembering that the ultimate end goal in these areas is liberation from the scourge of nuclear weapons for all mankind.” (translation)

    Austria

    24 April: “Austria is of the view that the discourse about nuclear weapons needs to be fundamentally changed. We will only manage the challenges posed by nuclear weapons if we move away from a debate that is still dominated by outdated military security concepts originating from cold war enemy and threat perceptions. Instead, we need to draw conclusions from our common understanding that any use of nuclear weapons would cause catastrophic consequences and be devastating in its effects for the whole world and all of humankind. The conference that took place on the topic of the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons in Oslo in March was an important milestone in developing this discourse further and we look forward to continuing these discussions on future occasions.”

    25 April: “Austria is convinced that it is necessary and overdue to put the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons at the center of our debate, including in the NPT. Nuclear weapons are not just a security policy issue for a few states but an issue of serious concern for the entire international community. The humanitarian, environmental, health, economic and developmental consequences of any nuclear weapons explosion would be devastating and global and any notion of adequate preparedness or response is an illusion.”

    “We are highly appreciative that the government of Norway provided the international community with an opportunity for an in-depth and enlightening discussion on this important topic. The discourse needs to be furthered. We look forward to the follow-up conference in Mexico and to other future occasions. Austria was pleased to participate in and contribute to the joint statement that was delivered by South Africa on behalf of over 70 states yesterday.”

    “I would like to stress that in Austria’s view, a key motivation behind the NPT and the entire nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation regime is the humanitarian imperative: to prevent nuclear weapons from being used, to eliminate this existential threat from the face of the earth and to make sure that unacceptable humanitarian consequences from these weapons do not occur. Arguments that this discourse may in any way distract or divert from the NPT implementation are therefore unconvincing and misguided.”

    Australia

    22 April: “Australia remains deeply concerned by the risk for humanity represented by the possibility that nuclear weapons could be used and the catastrophic humanitarian consequences that would result from their use. The discussions at the Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons in Oslo this year, in which Australia participated, illustrated once more the devastating immediate and long-term humanitarian effects of a nuclear weapon detonation. This is why we strive to realise the goal of a world without nuclear weapons, including through implementation of the 2010 Action Plan. Australia welcomes the offer of Mexico to convene a follow-up conference on this issue.”

    25 April: “Australia acknowledges South Africa’s contribution to this meeting through its statement on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons. As we noted in our general debate statement, the discussions at the Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons in Oslo this year, in which Australia participated, illustrated once more the devastating immediate and long-term humanitarian effects of a nuclear weapon detonation … Australia welcomes the offer of fellow NPDI member Mexico to convene a follow-up conference on this issue.”

    Bangladesh

    23 April: “We remain deeply concerned about the possible catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons. We support the process that began in Oslo recently to address the issue. Furthermore, realizing the goals of disarmament could benefit us with both peace and development dividends, by saving millions of lives and diverting our valuable resources from armament to addressing pressing development needs.”

    Belgium

    23 April: “Belgium repeatedly expressed deep concern at the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons, and reaffirmed the need for all States at all times to comply with applicable international law, including international humanitarian law, while [being] convinced that every effort should be made to avoid nuclear war and nuclear terrorism.”

    Brazil

    23 April: “Brazil welcomed the Norwegian initiative to convene the Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of a Nuclear Weapon Detonation. This issue is an important component of the NPT and we very much regret that the NWS decided not to be represented at the event. We look forward to their revisiting this position with respect to the follow-up Conference, to be held in Mexico. We also look forward to further impetus being given to the international movement to delegitimize the very existence of nuclear weapons.”

    Canada

    25 April: “Canada shares the concern expressed in South Africa’s earlier statement about the catastrophic humanitarian consequences that would result from the use of nuclear weapons. Canada welcomed the March 2013 conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons held in Oslo, as an opportunity for valuable fact-based discussions on these consequences and on humanitarian preparedness for a nuclear weapons detonation. We welcome the offer of Mexico to convene a follow-up conference on this issue.”

    Chile

    23 April: “Article VI [of the NPT], which requires nuclear disarmament and the elaboration of a treaty prohibiting nuclear weapons, has not been implemented.”

    “The Oslo Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons showed that there is no possibility of preparation against an offensive nuclear weapon detonation … this reality should be reflected in this process.” (translation)

    China

    22 April: “China has always stood for the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons, and [has] actively promoted the establishment of a world free of nuclear weapons.”

    WP.29: “The complete prohibition and total elimination of nuclear weapons, getting rid of the danger of nuclear war and the attainment of a nuclear-weapon-free world, serve the common interests and benefits of humankind.”

    “For the attainment of the ultimate goal of general and comprehensive nuclear disarmament, the international community should develop, at the appropriate juncture, a viable long-term plan comprising phased actions, including the conclusion of a convention on the complete prohibition of nuclear weapons.”

    Costa Rica

    23 April: “Costa Rica and Malaysia have presented a model nuclear weapons convention. This proposal prohibits the use, threat of use, possession, development, testing, deployment and transfer of nuclear weapons and provides a phased program for the elimination of these weapons under effective international control. We believe this could be a starting point for negotiations to create an instrument capable of strengthening confidence in verification and ensuring the supervision of the dismantling and final reduction of nuclear stockpiles.”

    “We express our appreciation to [OPANAL] for its work for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean, in particular the Declaration of Member States in which they express their conviction to join the efforts of the international community to move towards negotiation of a universal instrument banning nuclear weapons.”

    “We cannot fail to mention the humanitarian impact that a nuclear explosion would cause. We fully endorse the joint statement read by South Africa. In 2012 we joined a similar statement both in Vienna and in the First Committee. A few weeks ago in Oslo, we found that it is not possible to prepare for a nuclear explosion and that the consequences of that would be unimaginable.” (translation)

    Cuba

    22 April: “Cuba gives special priority to nuclear disarmament and highlights the need to adopt a legally binding international instrument that completely prohibits nuclear weapons … The urgent need to move towards nuclear disarmament is a growing demand of the international community. The necessary steps should be taken for the immediate commencement of negotiations allowing the early adoption of an international convention on nuclear disarmament.” (translation)

    Denmark

    23 April: “At previous meetings Denmark has joined the group of countries behind a statement expressing deep concern by the devastating immediate and long-term humanitarian effects that could follow from the use of nuclear weapons; and so again at this PrepCom with the statement presented by South Africa. In our view this third-track approach to disarmament and non-proliferation is not meant to undermine existing multilateral or bilateral nuclear disarmament mechanisms. They have indeed produced reductions that we welcome. Nor is it meant to reinterpret well-established international humanitarian law. We hope for a fact-based discussion to expand the group of concerned countries, including with the P5, and to increase awareness of these humanitarian consequences.”

    Ecuador

    23 April: “[T]he existence of nuclear weapons in the world represents a serious threat to human security and the survival of humanity. The only option is to eradicate this threat through the total and complete prohibition and elimination of nuclear weapons.”

    “Ecuador condemns and expresses its frustration and deep concern about the blockade and paralysis of the Conference on Disarmament that has lasted more than 15 years. It is imperative to start negotiations on a phased program for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, including a convention on the prohibition of nuclear weapons, which provides for their destruction without delay.”

    “In compliance with Article VI of the NPT, and in order to ensure nuclear disarmament and the prohibition and elimination of nuclear weapons, Ecuador advocates the need to start negotiations to adopt a convention that provides an international legal framework, complementary to existing steps, with deadlines and strict verification systems.”

    “I wish to conclude with a reference to the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons, whose use would be catastrophic for mankind … We join the Joint Declaration of a large group of countries noting the catastrophic consequences of nuclear weapons, their incompatibility with international humanitarian law and the urgent need for a ban and destruction of arsenals.”

    “Congratulations to Norway for its leadership on the issue. We strongly support the International Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons, organized in Oslo on 4 and 5 March this year with great success and international support. 127 states and various international organizations and civil society organizations participated, showing that there is a growing global concern about the effects of nuclear detonations, and that it is a matter of interest and critical importance for all human beings.”

    “The Conference was informed that the use of nuclear weapons would cause unacceptable devastation to human life and health, the environment, to economies, development, infrastructure and more; that there is no possibility of appropriate national or international response to such a catastrophe; and that this danger and fundamental challenge to the survival of humanity and the planet must be addressed through prevention.”

    “We welcome the conference to follow up on the results of Oslo that will take place in Mexico in the coming year. Ecuador will continue to work with other states on the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons, in order to build an alternative to the dependence of states on nuclear weapons, to delegitimize the use and possession of nuclear weapons, and to emphasize that the use of nuclear weapons causes unacceptable harm to humanity and the planet as a whole.” (translation)

    Egypt

    22 April: “[T]he consequences of nuclear weapons, including the humanitarian consequences, do not stop at borders but they are a matter of threat to everyone and it is the concern of the whole humanity to usher nuclear disarmament. Nuclear weapon States indeed say that they do recognize the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons, but the question that awaits a satisfactory reply is what has been done to remove those weapons.”

    24 April: “The negotiation of a phased programme for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons within a specified time frame ending in 2025, including a Nuclear Weapons Convention, is necessary and should commence without any further delay.”

    “Egypt, together with more than 70 States, delivered a statement on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons. This statement, which is gaining the world’s attention, makes clear the unacceptable consequences of any nuclear detonation, whether by design, miscalculation or accident. Given that the only guarantee that nuclear weapons are never to be used again is their total elimination, the continued existence of nuclear weapons represents a threat to humanity.”

    “Last month some 127 States and several United Nations agencies attended the Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons, held in Oslo in early March. It is not at all surprising that the Oslo conference concluded that the historical experience from the use and testing of nuclear weapons has demonstrated the devastating immediate and long-term effects of such weapons; and that while political circumstances have changed, the destructive potential of nuclear weapons remains. Unfortunately, the nuclear-weapon States chose not to attend this important conference which is highly regrettable – hopefully, these States will attend the next such conference which shall be hosted by Mexico.”

    “Egypt reiterates its full support to the NAM commitment to vigorously pursue the following priorities leading to the Review Conference in 2015, in full cooperation with all States Parties to the Treaty … 3) Prompt commencement of negotiations on a Nuclear Weapons Convention, the route to realizing a world free from nuclear weapons by the year 2025.”

    Ghana

    24 April: “In agreement with the conclusion of the Oslo Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons, we wish to remind all states that none is safe from a nuclear weapon accident should it occur.”

    Finland

    25 April: “The humanitarian impacts of the use of nuclear weapons would be most catastrophic and indiscriminate. Such weapons should never be used. In our view, a nuclear-weapon-free world is a far-reaching goal, but a self-evident one. We cannot afford to lose any time in our efforts towards this important goal.”

    Indonesia

    25 April: “[W]e emphasize the necessity to start negotiations on a phased program for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, including a Nuclear Weapons Convention to prohibit their development, production, acquisition, testing, stockpiling, transfer, use or threat of use, and to provide for their destruction, without further delay.”

    Iran

    25 April: “[T]aking into account the abovementioned measures and principles and also the fact that government support for a convention eliminating nuclear weapons has grown significantly in recent years, I believe it is high time to start negotiation on a Nuclear Weapons Convention in the CD as a matter of top priority. Such a convention must legally prohibit, once and for all, the possession, development, stockpiling and use of nuclear weapons by any country and provide for the destruction of such inhumane weapons.”

    23 April: “The international community cannot wait till the horrors of the nuclear weapons happen and must set a deadline and a target date for the total elimination of nuclear arsenals. Such a cut-off date could enable the Conference on Disarmament to commence negotiations on Nuclear Weapons Convention and conclude it as soon as possible as the highest priority.”

    Ireland

    23 April: “The wider UN community’s sense of frustration at the slow pace of disarmament is clear … we see it in the groundswell of support for a meaningful discussion around the humanitarian impact of a nuclear detonation, whether this is caused by accident, miscalculation or design.”

    “Ireland welcomes the constructive meeting held in Oslo in March, and looks forward to the follow-on Conference later this year in Mexico. The clear message which emerged from Oslo is that humanity would be powerless to respond to the uniquely destructive power which a nuclear detonation would unleash. We encourage the nuclear weapons states to engage in this process. Their absence from Oslo was, perhaps, a missed opportunity and we hope they will be present in Mexico.”

    25 April: “Concrete progress in a number of the areas covered by Action 5 would also go some way to addressing the many humanitarian concerns expressed by Governments at the recent Oslo Conference. These are important concerns, not expressed lightly. They are the concerns of the majority of UN member states.”

    “It is a matter of regret that the nuclear weapons states were not present at Oslo to listen to these concerns expressed by Governments and civil society. The message from Oslo was nevertheless clear: humanity will be powerless to respond to the uniquely destructive power which a nuclear detonation would unleash. This was the message delivered again yesterday by our fellow NAC-member South Africa on behalf of seventy-eight NPT states Parties. There is a growing voice from governments and civil society on this issue which should occupy a central place in our deliberations. It is crucial that those who choose to possess these terrible weapons heed these concerns and we encourage them to attend the meeting which our fellow NAC member Mexico will host next year.”

    “We can and must do more to get the disarmament commitments back on track, to begin the world leading to genuine disarmament negotiations, be they for a single, multilaterally negotiated instrument or a series of mutually reinforcing agreements.”

    Japan

    22 April: “As the only country to have suffered atomic bombings during wartime, Japan actively contributed to the Oslo Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons in March. With strengthened resolve to seek a nuclear-weapons-free world, we continue to advance disarmament and non-proliferation education to inform the world and the next generation of the dreadful realities of nuclear devastation.”

    “Given the awful humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons use, it is an urgent priority as well as a responsible approach to the present state of affairs to firmly implement concrete measures contained in the 2010 NPT Action Plan regarding the CTBT, an FMCT and further reductions of nuclear arsenals in order to substantially reduce this risk.”

    Kazakhstan

    23 April: “The catastrophic humanitarian and environmental consequences from nuclear tests in Semipalatinsk – and from other nuclear test sites around the globe – demonstrate that the aftermaths of any use of nuclear weapons are uncontrollable in time and space. Here, I would like to note that development, production or use of nuclear weapons is increasingly being seen worldwide as incompatible with international humanitarian law. The recent Oslo Conference underscored the potential of humanitarian approaches in this dimension.”

    “It is our firm conviction that total elimination of all nuclear arsenals is the only absolute guarantee against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. A nuclear weapons convention or package of agreements as it was suggested by the United Nations Secretary-General in his Five-Point Plan for Nuclear Disarmament acquires particular significance in terms of achieving this noble goal. I take the opportunity to note that Kazakhstan’s initiative to draft a Universal Declaration of a Nuclear Weapon-Free World within the UN is considered as one of the effective vessels to facilitate adoption of a Convention.”

    25 April: “We acknowledge a consolidating role of the Oslo Conference of March 2013 in achieving a total and unconditional elimination of all nuclear weapons – a noble aim broadly supported by the majority of states.”

    Kenya

    23 April: “Kenya welcomes the outcome of the Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons hosted by Norway on 4 and 5 March, 2013. It was indeed a significant event. The high number of countries that took part in the evidence-based discussions on these effects highlights the interests and concerns of the wider international community. It reinforces our view that nations serious enough about the elimination of nuclear weapons need to start negotiations now on a treaty to ban them.”

    “We believe the initiative can be pivotal in the delegitimization of nuclear weapons in the minds of people. Nuclear deterrence really is threatening mass extermination. The impact of use of nuclear weapons or an accident at a nuclear weapons facility would be catastrophic. Their use would violate Resolutions of the UN General Assembly that have repeatedly condemned their use as an international crime.”

    “Needless to state, the debate on humanitarian concerns can contribute to meaningful nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation measures as well as to the implementation of the NPT Action Plan.”

    Malaysia

    23 April: “Malaysia remains convinced that the total elimination of nuclear weapons should remain on top of the international agenda … Malaysia looks forward to the Nuclear-Weapons States to fulfil their commitments to report to the 2014 PrepCom on the steps that they are undertaking towards the elimination of their nuclear weapons. This however does not preclude us from pursuing negotiations on a nuclear weapons convention.”

    25 April: “Malaysia is already a party to the Biological Weapons Convention and the Chemical Weapons Convention. While these two Conventions were negotiated and finalised many years ago, we are disappointed at the resistance and reluctance of some States to initiate and support a similar Convention on the complete and total elimination of nuclear weapons.”

    Mexico

    23 April: “The NPT preamble refers to the conscience of the international community in relation to the terrible consequences of nuclear war visited upon all mankind and the consequent need to avoid the danger of such a war and to take safety measures for the people. The mere existence of nuclear weapons represents a real risk to international security, because as long as they exist, there will be players who will want to own them and use or threaten to use them.”

    “This March, 127 countries met with representatives of international organizations and civil society in Oslo to address the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons. To expand on this, Mexico will convene, in 2014, a follow-up conference to the discussions had in Oslo. We hope that all NPT parties will be involved … our interest in strengthening this agreement and forging new agreements has its foundation in the humanitarian imperative.” (translation)

    24 April: “It is necessary to mainstream the humanitarian perspective of a possible nuclear weapon detonation. The discussion that took place in Oslo will move in this direction and prevent nuclear weapons from being used again and from causing catastrophic humanitarian crises anywhere in the world. Mexico is organizing a follow-up conference, which will take place in early 2014. The participation of 127 countries represented in the discussion, and the growing interest generated by this issue, may be the germ of a process to move substantially towards the goal of eliminating nuclear weapons.” (translation)

    Netherlands

    23 April: “The Netherlands fully subscribes to the goal of a world without nuclear weapons. The NPT is the essential instrument to achieve that goal. The discussion on humanitarian consequences in Oslo recently reminded us again about the devastating effects of these weapons and hence the importance of making progress towards that objective.”

    New Zealand

    22 April: “New Zealand takes some heart from the fact that, this year, we have the opportunity to advance collective nuclear disarmament responsibilities in several fora, including via the Oslo conference on the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons and the open-ended working group.”

    25 April: “The recognition by the 2010 Action Plan of the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons was, for New Zealand, a cautionary – and necessary – reminder of the real world implications of the work we undertake in this, and other, nuclear disarmament fora. The Conference hosted by the Norwegian Government in Oslo this past March served to reinforce the Review Conference’s expression of concern by exploring the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons in a more systematic way and one which puts the real issues of human security into the fore. Its key message – that no state or international organisation could feasibly address the humanitarian impact of a nuclear weapon detonation – must underpin all of our work on nuclear disarmament and would serve to underline its urgency. New Zealand looks forward to the follow-up conference to be convened in Mexico next year and welcomes the Government of Mexico’s initiative on this … New Zealand fully subscribes to the statement already delivered by South Africa in the general debate here on behalf of over 70 countries concerning the humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons.”

    Nigeria

    23 April: “We will continue to emphasize that the existential threat posed to mankind by nuclear weapons, including their possible use or threat of use, remains unacceptable. The Oslo Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons hosted in March 2013 by the Government of Norway made clear that the detonation of a nuclear device would have grave humanitarian consequences that will spread beyond national borders and significantly impact human beings across regions and across the world.”

    Norway

    23 April: “The NPT review conference in 2010 referred explicitly to the catastrophic humanitarian consequences any use of nuclear weapons would have. This was an important message from the world community. Since 2010, we have seen the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons increasingly being recognized as a fundamental, and global, concern that must be at the core of all our deliberations regarding nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation efforts.”

    “In March this year the Government of Norway hosted an international conference on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons. The aim of the Conference was to provide an arena for the international community to have a fact-based discussion of the humanitarian and developmental consequences that would result from a nuclear weapon detonation. The conference focused on what actually happens on the ground after a nuclear detonation.”

    “The consequences of a nuclear detonation are relevant to practitioners in such diverse fields as health services, development, environment, finance and emergency preparedness. So far there has been no global arena in which to begin to discuss these issues. This is why Norway decided to organize the Conference, and to invite a wide range of stakeholders. All interested states, as well as UN humanitarian organizations, the Red Cross/Red Crescent Movement, representatives of civil society and other relevant actors were invited to the Conference.”

    “The Conference was held over two days and included presentations by international experts and relevant national and international stakeholders concerning three key aspects: 1) the immediate humanitarian impact of nuclear detonations, 2) the wider and more long-term developmental, health and environmental consequences, 3) preparedness, including plans and existing capacity to respond to this type of disaster.”

    “128 states met at the Conference, together with UN organisations, the ICRC, IFRC and civil society. The Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs hosted the Conference. The High Commissioner for Refugees, the President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Director of OCHA in Geneva, the Secretary General of Norwegian People’s Aid and the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons addressed the Conference’s opening session.”

    “The broad and active participation at the Oslo Conference reflects the recognition that the catastrophic effect of a nuclear detonation is an issue of concern and relevance to all.”

    “The main conclusion from the conference is that no state or international body could address the immediate humanitarian emergency caused by a nuclear weapon detonation in any meaningful way. No existing national or international emergency system would be able to provide adequate assistance to the victims.”

    “We welcome Mexico’s offer to host a Conference to further discuss these issues. We are looking forward to continuing to broaden the discussions on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons. This is an issue that affects us all.”
    (See rest of statement)

    Philippines

    22 April: “NPT States Parties underscored their deep concern for the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons … It is for these reasons that the Philippines welcomes the international conference on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons which was hosted by Norway last March. The conference concluded that the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapon use would be unacceptable and urged States to begin work to outlaw these weapons. We also welcome the follow-up meeting to be hosted by Mexico at a future date.”

    “Now is also the time to set in motion negotiations for a nuclear weapons convention (NWC). Some argue that a NWC would move the focus away from the NPT. On the contrary, it could get the ball rolling as it ensures full implementation of the NPT.”
    “A NWC is the only comprehensive, universal and non-discriminatory way towards the total elimination of nuclear weapons. An international conference can be held in the near future that will set the parameters for the elimination of nuclear weapons and prohibit their production, stockpiling, transfer, use or threat of use, and provide for the destruction of such weapons within a specified time frame or timeline.”

    “The upcoming High Level Meeting on Nuclear Disarmament would be a good opportunity to drum up support for such a Convention. I urge States that have provided us with a model NWC to take the lead once again in jumpstarting discussions for a NWC.”

    Republic of Korea

    25 April: “In view of the risk of accidental nuclear war and its indiscriminate catastrophic consequences, it is the collective duty of all NPT State Parties to fulfil their obligations under Article VI of the NPT.”

    Slovakia

    25 April: “We also pay due attention and seriously consider the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons. The 2010 Review Conference of the NPT expressed ‘deep concern at the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons’. There would be no single country that could address it alone. This issue extends discussions on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. The international conference on humanitarian impacts of nuclear weapons held recently in Oslo has been an example of it.”

    “We must work together to prevent the use of nuclear weapons, whether deliberate or accidental. That is why we continue to support the process that would lead to the total elimination of nuclear arsenals, including the reasons for their existence thus eliminating effectively the above threat.”

    South Africa

    22 April: “South Africa shares the deep concern expressed by the vast majority of States Parties to the NPT about the unacceptable humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons. Along with many others, we remain convinced that nuclear weapons do not guarantee security, but rather detract from it. As long as these weapons exist, and vertical and horizontal proliferation persists, humanity will continue to face the threat of catastrophe and mass annihilation.”

    Sri Lanka

    22 April: “The situation which prevails in the Korean Peninsula reminds us of the urgency of the call for the total elimination of nuclear weapons since we firmly believe that total elimination of nuclear weapons from the world is the only possible way for the survival of humanity. It is for this reason that we continue to stress that states should move forward towards total elimination and the absolute ban of the nuclear arsenal.”

    Sweden

    23 April: “The use of nuclear weapons would have catastrophic humanitarian consequences, which is why we must work towards their elimination.”

    Switzerland

    22 April: “I would especially like to emphasise the very positive and encouraging Oslo Conference last March on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons. This conference is perfectly consistent with the spirit of the Final Document of the 2010 Review Conference. Indeed, the 2010 outcome had introduced the humanitarian dimension of nuclear disarmament as a new avenue to be explored to facilitate the implementation of Article VI of the NPT. It therefore seems crucial to us that all States Parties to the NPT engage in the discussion of this dimension. My delegation fully associates itself with the statement that will subsequently be made on this issue by South Africa on behalf of a group of States.”

    25 April: “In 2010, all Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) expressed their deep concern at the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons. Our delegation associates itself fully with the joint statement delivered yesterday by South Africa on behalf of 77 States. Switzerland remains convinced that nuclear weapons do not generate security but are a threat to international as well as human security.”

    “Two-thirds of the UN membership as well as representatives of important international and non-governmental organisations met last month in Oslo to give further consideration to this deep concern expressed in 2010. The main conclusion of this conference is clear: no matter how well governments or humanitarian actors prepare, the immediate as well as the wider effects of the use of nuclear weapons cannot be mitigated and the consequences would be unacceptable. Efforts must therefore be redoubled to prevent any nuclear detonation – be it caused by accident, miscalculation or wilful intent. We welcome this fact-based, fresh and long overdue humanitarian approach. We are also looking forward to deepening discussions on this issue, including at the follow-up meeting that Mexico will host.”

    “The establishment of the Open Ended Working Group (OEWG) by resolution A/RES/67/56 is a reaction to the continuing deadlock in the CD. This working group offers the possibility to work together collectively and inclusively to advance nuclear disarmament. Just like the Oslo Conference, this working group is in full conformity with the spirit and letter of the NPT. In this regard, our delegation would reject to qualify as ‘distraction’ any efforts undertaken in good faith to achieve the common goals enshrined in this treaty.”

    “It is necessary to develop more concrete measures and instruments in order to prevent and ban the use of nuclear weapons and ultimately eliminate them, as all other weapons of mass destruction. Switzerland will continue to contribute to efforts towards progressive delegitimization of nuclear weapons in order to pave the way for our final and common objective of a world without nuclear weapons.”

    Thailand

    23 April: “We also welcome the result of the Conference on Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons in Oslo in March this year, which further illustrated the devastating effect of the use of nuclear weapons on human life as well as the environment. We hope that such abhorrent scenarios have rendered any contemplation to engage nuclear arsenals as irresponsible, reprehensible and unthinkable.”

    “More broadly, Thailand hopes that the fresh initiatives introduced at the UN General Assembly last year will revitalize the Conference on Disarmament and looks forward to the commencement of negotiations on a treaty banning the production of fissile material, as well as a nuclear weapons convention, which should be held in an inclusive manner.”

    Turkey

    22 April: “[W]e remain concerned by the risk that nuclear weapons pose for humanity. The participants of the recent Oslo Conference have been further acquainted with the horrific consequences of a nuclear use or accidental detonation. Turkey believes that a robust awareness should be raised at the informational level so that future generations do not have to fear for the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons. Turkey welcomed the discussions at the Oslo Conference and looks forward to actively participating to the follow-up.”

    Ukraine

    23 April: “Ukraine considers the total elimination of nuclear weapons to be the only absolute guarantee against the scourge of nuclear warfare and supports the call for the immediate adoption of the comprehensive international agreement on the prohibition of nuclear weapons. This ultimate goal requires a consistent long-term approach with specific practical steps and effective disarmament measures to be taken by the international community in a transparent, non-discriminatory, verifiable and irreversible manner, building a system of mutually reinforcing instruments for the achievement and maintenance of a world without nuclear weapons.”

    United Arab Emirates

    22 April: “UAE supports the international efforts in addressing the humanitarian aspects of using nuclear weapons with an objective, in the long run, to ban the use, threat and eventually owning of these weapons.”

    Joint statements

    Humanitarian initiative

    24 April: (On behalf of 78 nations) “Our countries are deeply concerned about the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons. While this has been known since nuclear weapons were first developed and is reflected in various UN resolutions and multilateral instruments, it has not been at the core of nuclear disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation deliberations for many years. Although it constitutes the raison d’être of the NPT, which cautions against the ‘devastation that would be visited upon all mankind by a nuclear war and the consequent need to make every effort to avert the danger of such a war and to take measures to safeguard the security of people’, this issue has consistently been ignored in the discourse on nuclear weapons.”
    (See rest of statement)

    International Committee of the Red Cross

    24 April: “In 2010, the States Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) took a ground-breaking step in recognizing the ‘catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons’ and the relevance of international humanitarian law in this regard. This step has inspired a renewed focus on the horrific human suffering that would result from the use of nuclear weapons and the implications of such weapons on the environment.”

    “The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) welcomes this development. In our view, an informed view on these weapons must include a detailed grasp of the immediate consequences of nuclear weapons on human health and on medical and other infrastructure. Equally important is an understanding of the longer-term effects on health and the implications for the world’s climate and food production. Recent studies by the ICRC, IPPNW and other organizations have highlighted these implications.”

    “It was a deep and profound concern about these consequences that led the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement to make a historic appeal on nuclear weapons in 2011. In it, the Movement called on States to ensure that nuclear weapons are never again used, regardless of their views on the legality of such weapons, and to pursue in good faith and conclude with urgency and determination negotiations to prohibit the use of and completely eliminate nuclear weapons through a legally binging international agreement, based on existing commitments and international obligations.”
    (See rest of statement)

    League of Arab States

    WP.40: “The Arab States welcome the events on nuclear disarmament that will take place in 2013. They affirm the importance of the Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons held in Oslo on 4 and 5 March 2013, at which it was noted that no one was capable of addressing the consequences of a nuclear-weapon detonation, regardless of whether such a weapon was detonated deliberately, as a result of a misjudgement or unintentionally.”

    “The attention of the Conference on Disarmament should be drawn to the importance of establishing a subcommittee responsible for the immediate commencement of negotiations on the formulation of a nuclear disarmament treaty, with a view to gradually eliminating nuclear weapons within a specified period of time. That treaty would outlaw the development, production, stockpiling and use of such weapons and provide for their destruction, and ensure that removal is complete, non-discriminatory and verifiable.”

    New Agenda Coalition

    22 April: “The 2010 NPT Review Conference expressed ‘deep concern at the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons’ and reaffirmed ‘the need for all States at all times to comply with applicable international law, including international humanitarian law’. Furthermore, a significant number of States highlighted this concern at the 2012 NPT Preparatory Committee and at the 2012 General Assembly First Committee session.”

    “In March this year, Norway hosted an International Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons aimed at developing a greater awareness and understanding of the catastrophic consequences of their use. Mexico has offered to host a follow-up conference to continue this long overdue discussion. Given that it is abundantly clear that no State or group of States can mitigate the effects of a nuclear weapon detonation on civilian populations, it is our expectation that all NPT States Parties seize the opportunity to permanently rid our world from the threat posted by nuclear weapons.”

    “All States Parties must seize the opportunity of this PrepCom to begin work in earnest on the construction of a comprehensive legally-binding framework of mutually reinforcing instruments for the achievement and maintenance of a world without nuclear weapons. Such a framework should include clearly defined benchmarks, timelines, and be backed by a strong system of verification. Given the threat posed to all of humanity by these instruments of mass annihilation, it is time for use to act now, for tomorrow may be too late.”

    WP.27: “Reiterating the Treaty’s recognition of the devastation that would be visited upon all of humanity by a nuclear war, the 2010 Review Conference expressed its deep concern at the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons and asserted the need for all States at all times to comply with applicable international law, including international humanitarian law.”

    “Since the 2010 Review Conference, awareness has been growing about the humanitarian consequences of a nuclear detonation, as most recently illustrated by the Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons, which was held in Oslo on 4 and 5 March 2013. Given the indiscriminate and disproportionate effects of nuclear weapons, the humanitarian concerns should inform actions and decisions during the 2015 review cycle and beyond.”

    “Furthermore, the 2015 Review Conference should work towards the construction of a comprehensive framework of mutually reinforcing instruments for the achievement and maintenance of a world without nuclear weapons. In order to be transparent, efficient and credible, such a legally binding framework for the total elimination of all nuclear weapons must include clearly defined benchmarks and timelines, backed by a strong system of verification.”

    Non-Aligned Movement

    22 April: “The Group … emphasizes the necessity to start negotiations on a phased programme for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, including a Nuclear Weapons Convention to prohibit their development, production, acquisition, testing, stockpiling, transfer, use or threat of use, and to provide for their destruction, without further delay.”

    24 April: “The Group also reiterates its firm commitment to work for convening a high-level international conference to identify ways and means of eliminating nuclear weapons, at the earliest possible date, with the objective of an agreement on a phased programme for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons with a specified framework of time, to prohibit their development, production, acquisition, testing, stockpiling, transfer, use or threat of use, and to provide for their destruction.”

    25 April: “The Group emphasizes the necessity to start negotiations, without further delay, on a phased programme for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, including a Nuclear Weapons Convention to prohibit their development, production, acquisition, testing, stockpiling, transfer, use or threat of use, and to provide for their destruction.”

    “[T]he Group reiterates its firm commitment to work for convening a high-level international conference to identify ways and means of eliminating nuclear weapons, at the earliest possible date, with the objective of an agreement on a phased programme for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons with a specified framework of time, to prohibit their development, production, acquisition, testing, stockpiling, transfer, use or threat of use, and to provide for their destruction.”

    WP.14: “The nuclear-weapon States should be urged to start negotiations on a phased programme for the complete elimination of their nuclear weapons within a specified time framework, including a nuclear weapons convention.”

    “An international conference at ‘the earliest possible date’ to achieve agreement on a phased programme for the complete elimination of nuclear weapons within a specified time frame, including, in particular, a treaty to eliminate nuclear weapons (nuclear weapons convention).”

    Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Initiative

    23 April: “The members of the NPDI participated in the Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons that took place in Oslo, Norway, on March 4 and 5, 2013. The NPDI remains deeply concerned by the risk for humanity represented by the possibility that nuclear weapons could be used and by the catastrophic humanitarian consequences that would result from their use. The discussions at the Oslo Conference illustrated once more the devastating immediate and long-term humanitarian effects of a nuclear weapon detonation. We welcome the offer of Mexico to convene a follow-up conference on this issue.”

    24 April: “[I]n view of the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of a use of a nuclear weapon, they simply cannot be considered to be just a weapon like any other.”

    “We encourage all States parties to contribute to raising awareness, in particular amongst the younger generation, of the tragic consequences of the use of nuclear weapons.”

    WP.4: “In view of the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons, it is imperative that the more than 65-year record of nuclear non-use be extended forever. Members of the Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Initiative thus see the need for determined steps by the nuclear-weapon States towards nuclear disarmament, with the final objective of a nuclear-weapon-free world.”

    OPANAL

    24 April: “[T]he Conference recently held in Oslo … introduced the humanitarian vision of the use of nuclear weapons, bringing a breath of fresh air to these debates, a breath full of hope. By exposing the catastrophic consequences of using any nuclear weapon, the raising of awareness regarding the threat that they pose to the world would be promoted. Humanity should not continue under this risk as a consequence of the security policies lacking an alternative to replace nuclear deterrence doctrines with more effective measures, with truly safe measures for humanity as a whole.”

    “We welcome the offer of Mexico to convene a follow-up conference on this issue, a country well known for its leadership in nuclear disarmament.”

    “With the spirit to see the future positively, I am pleased to reiterate that Latin American and Caribbean States adopted the 2011 Declaration, a document that I presented to the UNGA First Committee in the same year, in which they agreed to join the efforts of the international community to take forward the negotiation of a legally-binding instrument aimed at prohibiting nuclear weapons. Today, this consensus is one of the guidelines of the Agency’s agenda.”

    Tim Wright is Coordinator of ICAN Australia.
  • For Marshallese, Hawaii Is the Only Home We Have Left

    I am Marshallese and today is the Republic of the Marshall Island’s Independence Day. I am one of the ladies you see with the handmade dresses that looks like a muumuu but not quite. Mine is one of three Pacific Island countries that the United States government signed an international agreement with inviting us to live and work legally in the United States. The other countries are the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of Palau. These are all different countries with different languages, cultures and institutions.

    Many newspaper articles over the last year claim that the U.S. invited us to live and work here as a way to make up for the permanent and devastating damage that the United States did to our islands from 1946-1958 when they used my homelands for nuclear bombing tests. That is only part of the story. The United States also keeps this agreement with our countries so that our governments will continue to allow the U.S. military to build and operate massive military bases on our islands.

    My family is from Bikini Atoll. This is where the United States concentrated most of its nuclear bomb testing. In fact, the largest nuclear explosions ever conducted by the U.S. military, much larger than the Hiroshima bomb, were tested in and around my family’s villages. These were mostly atmospheric tests, so the contaminated spread far and wide. Some of those nuclear tests were so powerful that entire islands were vaporized.

    The U.S. military evacuated my family twice due to the nuclear bomb testing; the first evacuation came before the nuclear bomb tests started, the second evacuation came after the U.S. military realized that they had not moved our families far enough away to keep us safe. In 1968, the United States Atomic Energy Commission announced that it was safe to resettle parts of Marshall Islands, but the International Atomic Energy Commission disputed those findings in 1994 and the families that had moved back home had to be relocated once again. The IAEA provides a good account of this history on its website.

    Even today, 55 years after the nuclear tests were stopped, many scientists and nuclear safety organizations report that it is unsafe to eat crops grown on the land there and fish from the local waters. More than a dozen of my aunties and sisters gave birth to deformed babies after the nuclear tests. This is heartbreaking for families. My family and I have given up our dream of ever returning to our ancestral village.

    But we are working hard to make a home here in Hawaii. It is hard, because many of us, especially those who faced evacuations and the devastating effects of the nuclear tests, came here with nothing but medical conditions and the will to live. Luckily, I attended a church school when I was young, so I learned English from a young age. This has helped my family through the turmoil of moving to a new country, getting a good job and helping my kids with school work.

    Like many of the immigrant groups in Hawaii, even those of us who were teachers and principals and government employees in our home country can only get the lowest, most entry level jobs when we get the United States.

    Those of us from Marshall Islands, Micronesian and Palau know that we are not yet accepted in Hawaii. We know that some people don’t like our traditional dresses and skirts, call us all “Micros” and think that we don’t know how to fit in. We are trying. We are trying hard to get an education for our kids, get medical care for our elders, and jobs that will allow us to be self-sufficient.

    So today I am celebrating my home country’s Independence Day, and on July 4 I will celebrate the U.S. Independence Day. Parts of the American National Anthem remind me a lot of home, “And the rockets’ red glare, the bombs bursting in air” sound a lot like the stories my people tell of the bombings of our islands.

    Many of our kids are born and raised here in Hawaii and as a mother and grandmother, I pray every day that our kids will be accepted here and be able to live healthy, productive lives. We are working hard to learn the language and cultures here, please also learn a little about us so that we can all understand and accept each other.

    I hear people say sometimes, “why are there so many of them here? Why do they dress like that? Why don’t they just go home?” Many of us have no home left, so we are doing the best we can.

    Litha Joel Jorju is a founding member of the Maui Marshallese Women’s Club, part of Faith Action for Community Equity Maui.
  • A Time for Boldness

    This is the transcript of a talk given at a side event hosted on April 26, 2013, by the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation and Soka Gakkai International entitled “Nuclear Abolition: A Time for Boldness and Hope” at the 2013 Non-Proliferation Treaty PrepCom in Geneva, Switzerland.

    First, I thank you for being here today, in this 27th anniversary of the beginning of the Chernobyl catastrophe. Together we honour the memory of its victims, as well as of the victims of Hiroshima, Nagasaki and Fukushima.

    I thank David Krieger and Rick Wayman for inviting me to this panel and for prompting us to think about an unusual and stimulating subject. The subject of boldness is a surprising subject to choose.

    When David offered me the chance to address you on it, I thought he was alluding to the words of Kissinger, Nunn, Shultz and Perry in the “Wall Street Journal” of January 2007. They requested (quote) “bold initiative consistent with America’s moral heritage”, that is an initiative to go by practical measures to a world free of nuclear weapons. However, I was very surprised. I asked him: “Really? Why me?” He replied: “Because your hunger-strike was a bold action”. That answer only increased my perplexity.

    So now, let me put to you the thoughts that resulted from that surprise, and, as David requested, let me use my hunger-strike as a way of raising one or two questions that I’ll try to answer without claiming to solve them. I’ll refer to my own experience in an attempt to draw conclusions that others can use – because, as Hannah Arendt said, it is in specific things that universal things can be readable.

    First question: was my hunger-strike really a bold act? What defines the boldness of an action or a person?

    Note first that the word “bold” is often used in the military, in games like chess, and generally in context of competition, for example when a yacht in a sailing race chooses a surprising course to sail.

    Boldness is often a synonym of courage. But it’s a particular form of courage. It consists, certainly, of confronting a situation that is difficult, painful, scary, even desperate, but not simply by doing one’s duty. Boldness consists in taking the initiative of doing something unusual, unpredictable or unforeseen. Bold people are not content like “ordinary” brave people to resist the course of history, they try to reverse it. They take risks, they strive to overcome adversity by surprising the adversary. And often they win, although success is never guaranteed (otherwise there would be no risk). However, although the risks that the bold take can be considerable, they are still reasoned, calculated risks. Boldness is never madness or foolhardiness. Sometimes bold people make very quick decisions, but they remain nevertheless cool-headed. Their actions are in proportion with their objectives, and that is what gives them a serious chance of success.

    Now, if we apply these criteria to my hunger-strike, was it, as David thinks, a bold action? Upon reflection I think it could be.

    I needed, in truth, a certain courage: enough to “take the plunge” into unknown waters, for I had never fasted before. I didn’t know I would even get beyond day three, which some fasters had told me is a frightening one. And I still remember the precise minute when I took the plunge by sending off a media release.

    It was also an action I took out of desperation. ACDN since it was founded in 1996, and I myself since 1986, had done all we could to involve France in the abolition of nuclear weapons. I shan’t give the details of our activism, just a few “bold” actions: like my candidacy for the Presidential Elections in 2002 or my applications to the Constitutional Council in 2002 and 2012 asking for the main candidates (Chirac and Jospin, then Sarkozy and Hollande) to be excluded because they were preparing crimes against humanity, violating Article VI of the NPT, and not honouring the French Constitution. Moreover, during the 2012 campaign, we wrote to François Hollande seven or eight times without ever getting a reply. Actually, he replied indirectly, in December 2011: he said in an article in the “Nouvel Observateur” that he would continue the nuclear deterrence policy, a presidential prerogative that he intended to assume. In other words this humanist, this socialist declared himself capable of pressing the nuclear button. That was unacceptable. On 15 May, the day he became President, I began my hunger-strike.

    Let me add that my objective was reasonable and accessible: I did not fast to demand the abolition of all nuclear weapons, or for France to renounce her own weapons, but only to obtain an audience with the new president to expound our arguments and to ask him to organize – for democratic reasons – the referendum that would at last enable the French people to express their opinion … and would enable him to change policy without losing face or breaking his commitments.

    On 25 June, day 42 of my hunger-strike, I was in Paris with Luc Dazy – a friend who had joined me in fasting since 1 June – and we were barred by the police from entering the Elysee Palace where we were to have had an audience. We never could find out why. Even the socialist MP of my city – who had herself handed candidate Hollande a letter from me, and who has later signed the Open Letter to the President, even she was not able to find out why.

    Must we conclude that this “bold” action was doomed to failure? Frankly I don’t think so. Our hunger-strike was not useless.

    On 24 June, the Federal Council of the EELV Party (Europe Ecologie- Les Verts), of which I was a former Councillor, gave me an enthusiastic and impressive welcome (including a standing ovation of one hundred fifty or more people, a minute of applause). On a motion of its president and committee, the Federal Council paid tribute to our action, said they endorsed our struggle, and committed to support it. They wished Luc Dazy and me to stop our hunger-strike, they expressed solidarity with us, and they wished that President Hollande would listen to our requests.

    After a solemn debate, the Federal Council decided unanimously with one abstention (quote) “to ask all its representatives in parliament and in government to do all they can to ensure that a bill or a governmental proposal is drawn up without delay with a view to establishing a wide debate and a referendum on the following question:

    Do you agree that France should participate with the other states concerned in the complete elimination of nuclear weapons, under mutual and international control that is strict and effective?

    Previously, in October 2011, ACDN and 6 other national organisations working in other fields from ours, such as ATTAC, the Confédération Paysanne or Human Rights League, had organised a big gathering in Saintes. Three hundred people did attend this event and about 150 wrote and discussed a “Charter for a Livable World” which they definitely adopted by consensus. A few later, during the presidential campaign, we proposed this charter to every candidate. François Hollande never answered, but six other candidates answered and three of them explicitly approved, amongst 103 articles, the article 1.2.F. By this approval, Eva Joly (EELV), Philippe Poutou (New Anticapitalist Party) and Jean-Luc Mélenchon (Parti de Gauche, Left Party) – had undertaken to consult the French people by referendum on the aforesaid question. Together these candidates won around 15% of the votes.

    Currently, the Greens have around 45 MPs, Senators and MEPs, they have 2 ministers in the French government. If each of them follows up the aforesaid commitment of their own party, it seems that the French people should not be far from deciding by themselves whether they must stop or pursue the archaic and criminal nuclear policies decided in their name by a handful of schizophrenic deciders. According to two polls, one ordered in 2008 by Global Zero, the second ordered in 2012 by the Mouvement de la Paix, more than 80 % of French wish for a world without any nuclear weapons, not even French ones.

    So, even if a referendum is never won before being voted, even if our opponents are very strong in the art of manipulating opinion and the media, I think we have to go to a referendum on such an important, decisive and vital issue. If we lose the referendum, we will lose nothing, since for more than 60 years the French nuclear policy has been conducted without any democratic debate and without voting. A defeat of the abolitionist camp would result simply in the continuation of a policy which is already planned. On the other hand, a success would be the beginning of a complete change, a reversal of situation. Let us remember the sentence of Lenin: “When an idea takes over masses, it becomes a historic force”. We have to attempt it, or else admit that we are mere sheep destined to become mutton.

    Personally, I’m convinced that the French people are not more intelligent than any other people, but very likely have more good sense than their political leaders, and are perfectly able to decide by themselves on the most important issues. Is that democratic idea a too bold idea? In that case, I accept being called a bold guy.

    Friends from abroad, I thank you for supporting in great numbers the Open Letter to the French President. If you have not done it already, please support and sign it now.

    Before concluding, I would like to ask and quickly answer a second question: If that hunger-strike was truly “bold”, how did it happen that an eminent figure in the international abolitionist movement, a US citizen, considered it important, whereas in France the national media, with very few exceptions, didn’t even mention it? That paradox deserves explanation.

    When an event escapes the attention of most people, including professional observers like journalists who ought to notice, those who do notice need to have been on the lookout for a subject they are already sensitive to. Thus, David has struggled for ages for the abolition of nuclear weapons and like us keeps meeting a sort of wall. He is therefore on the lookout for anything that could open a breach in it. Similarly, it’s because I was interested in international relations and Russian history that I heard, at the very moment in January 1986, Mikhail Gorbachev’s call for “No nuclear weapons by 2000!”. That call, certainly unexpected and bold, was to overturn my life.

    Prior sensitization creates a vicious circle for whistle-blowers and activists for causes like ours: by what we say and write and do, we wish to draw public attention to a problem that we deem particularly serious, but the public cannot pay serious attention unless they are already sensitized… In our media-dominated world, journalists play an essential role in informing and sensitizing the public. So we first need to gain their attention, and since the media love anything sensational, that’s where boldness can play a role.

    But that’s not enough. For instance, our hunger-strike was well covered by the press, radio and TV in our region, where ACDN and I are already known. That didn’t happen elsewhere, and when TV France 3 of our region asked the national France 3 to film us outside the Elysee Palace, the footage was broadcast in our region but not nationally. Why so? It would be too long to explain, but it could be also an interesting topic by comparing the various situations we are faced with in our different countries.

    In conclusion, permit me to ask you two questions without answering them:

    First: What enables us now to say that “The Time for Boldness has come”?

    And, last question: What kinds of boldness must we manifest in order to respond to the challenges of the present time?

    I would have several suggestions to make on that last item; some of them could perhaps interest you. But my time of speaking is over. Generally, I would say: we need to demand with determination our right to have truth, freedom and life.

    I heartily thank David and Rick who have permitted me to speak for the first and perhaps for the last time at a side event in this arena. Thank you for your attention.

    Jean-Marie Matagne is President of l’Action des Citoyens pour le Désarmement Nucléaire (ACDN) in France.
  • Youth Speech to the 2013 NPT PrepCom

    Speech Written by Julian Caletti, Ban All Nukes Generation; Mayra Castro, Ban All Nukes Generation; Christian N. Ciobanu, Nuclear Age Peace Foundation; Nina Eisenhardt, Ban All Nukes Generation; Martin Hinrichs, Ban All Nukes Generation; and Raphaël Zaffran, Nuclear Age Peace Foundation

    Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Delegates, Ladies, and Gentlemen,

    We thank you for the opportunity to speak to you today on behalf of the youth. Young people from Europe, the Americas, Asia, Africa, Oceania and the Middle East have contributed with comments to this speech in order to claim their voice.

    Nuclear weapons have catastrophic effects that are not controllable in time or space. In the preamble of the NPT, the parties declared their intention to work together to eliminate nuclear weapons.

    As contained in the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice, “the legal import of that obligation goes beyond that of a mere obligation of conduct; the obligation involved here is an obligation to achieve a precise result – nuclear disarmament in all aspects.”

    Moving beyond the abstract legal debates, those catastrophic and inhumane devices are a concrete threat to humanity. We share the views of the 1984 Human Rights Committee, which clearly stated that the production, testing, possession and use of nuclear weapons should be prohibited and recognized as crimes against humanity.

    Distinguished Delegates,

    We have been waiting for you to act “in good faith” since 1970 to achieve general and complete disarmament. However, very little has been achieved in multilateral negotiations.

    The youth of the world demands all of the states to take concrete and sustainable steps to accomplish this goal. In our view, nuclear disarmament is as urgent as non-proliferation.

    If states really want to protect their citizens, they must re-evaluate their priorities by divesting military to social expenditures in order to improve the health, education and welfare of their respective citizens. We do not believe deterrence protects us. Nuclear deterrence is based on rational behavior and perfect information. However, we live in an imperfect world with incomplete and asymmetrical information. Therefore, nuclear deterrence is inherently flawed and is not effective.

    Additionally, the international landscape has changed. The Cold War is over. In today’s multipolar and increasingly globalized world, the logic of deterrence is even more unreliable.

    Ultimately, in the post-cold war context, we do not believe that the deterrence rhetoric is still valid and we find the current status quo does not protect us from the threats posed by nuclear weapons.

    Our generation is the first one after the Cold War. In this context, we do not divide the world between West and East: them and us. We are global citizens.

    Nuclear deterrence does not make sense to us because it is based on the construction of states as enemies. We refuse to be enemies.

    Mr. Chairman and Distinguished Delegates,

    We would like to thank H.E. Ambassador Laajava of Finland and regional states for trying to establish a Middle East WMD Conference in 2012. Nevertheless, we are very concerned that the current situation could lead to a paradigm shift in the regional security of the Middle East.

    We strongly believe that there is a high risk that states may question the legitimacy of the NPT and attempt to acquire nuclear weapons to deter one another. Disarmament education in the region is crucial to bring this issue into the limelight. It is the linchpin of civil society engagement and the key for a prosperous and peaceful Middle East.

    Honorable Delegates,

    We welcome the initiative of Norway for hosting the Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons in Oslo. We urge all states to join this important discussion at the follow-up conference in Mexico.

    We have not experienced the same suffering as the hibakusha, but we can imagine the inhumanity of these nuclear weapons by listening to their testimonies. No nation is capable to react to this humanitarian catastrophe.

    We believe that negotiations for a global ban on nuclear weapons are achievable. Recently, the UN General Assembly adopted the Arms Trade Treaty, a fundamental step in disarmament. The decision to adopt such a treaty demonstrates the feasibility to make a concrete step towards disarming the world.

    Consequently, we believe that a ban on nuclear weapons is also possible. Again, we emphasize that disarmament education is the most valuable tool towards this goal.
    Educated mind-sets transcend borders to bring people together and change the status quo. We further request states to fulfil their commitments to the 2010 Action Plan with regard to disarmament education.

    Distinguished Delegates,

    We are the youth of the world. Our freedom, our security, and our fate lie in your hands. Our future could become hell on earth, if you do not succeed in banning these dreadful weapons. Our lives and the lives of our children depend on your actions. We want you to favor cooperation and compromise over confrontation and conflict. We want you to achieve concrete results that improve the world that we live in.

    As youth of the world, we want you to take action – and we want it now.

    Thank you very much.

  • Joint Statement on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons

    This statement was delivered by South Africa on behalf of 74 countries at the Non-Proliferation Treaty PrepCom in Geneva, Switzerland.

    I am taking the floor on behalf of the following States Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), namely Algeria, Argentina, Austria, Bangladesh, Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Botswana, Brazil, Cambodia, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Côte D’Ivoire, Cyprus, Denmark, Djibouti, Ecuador, Egypt, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Georgia, Ghana, Grenada, Guatemala, Holy See, Honduras, Iceland, Indonesia, Iran, Ireland, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lebanon, Lesotho, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Malaysia, Maldives, Malta, Mauritius, Mexico, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Nepal, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Palau, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Peru, Philippines, Qatar, Samoa, Singapore, Swaziland, Switzerland, Tanzania, Thailand, Tonga, Trinidad and Tobago, Tunisia, Uganda, Ukraine, Uruguay, Yemen, Zambia and my own country South Africa.

    Our countries are deeply concerned about the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons. While this has been known since nuclear weapons were first developed and is reflected in various UN resolutions and multilateral instruments, it has not been at the core of nuclear disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation deliberations for many years.  Although it constitutes the raison d’être of the NPT, which cautions against the “devastation that would be visited upon all mankind by a nuclear war and the consequent need to make every effort to avert the danger of such a war and to take measures to safeguard the security of peoples”, this issue has consistently been ignored in the discourse on nuclear weapons.

    Yet, past experience from the use and testing of nuclear weapons has amply demonstrated the unacceptable harm caused by the immense, uncontrollable destructive capability and indiscriminate nature of these weapons. The effects of a nuclear weapon detonation are not constrained by national borders – it is therefore an issue of deep concern to all.  Beyond the immediate death and destruction caused by a detonation, socio-economic development will be impeded, the environment will be destroyed, and future generations will be robbed of their health, food, water and other vital resources.

    In recent years, the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons has increasingly been recognised as a fundamental and global concern that must be at the core of all deliberations on nuclear disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation. This issue is now firmly established on the global agenda: The 2010 Review Conference of the NPT expressed “deep concern at the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of any use of nuclear weapons”.  Similarly, the 2011 resolution of the Council of Delegates of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement emphasised the incalculable human suffering associated with any use of nuclear weapons, and the implications for international humanitarian law.

    The March 2013 Conference on the Humanitarian Impact of Nuclear Weapons held in Oslo presented a platform to engage in a fact-based discussion on the impact of a nuclear weapon detonation. The broad participation at the Conference reflects the recognition that the catastrophic effects of a detonation are of concern and relevance to all.  A key message from experts and international organisations is that no State or international body could address the immediate humanitarian emergency caused by a nuclear weapon detonation or provide adequate assistance to victims.  We warmly welcome Mexico’s announcement of a follow-up Conference to further broaden and deepen understanding of this matter and the resolve of the international community to address the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons.

    It is in the interest of the very survival of humanity that nuclear weapons are never used again, under any circumstances. The catastrophic effects of a nuclear weapon detonation, whether by accident, miscalculation or design, cannot be adequately addressed.  All efforts must be exerted to eliminate this threat.  The only way to guarantee that nuclear weapons will never be used again is through their total elimination.  It is a shared responsibility of all States to prevent the use of nuclear weapons, to prevent their vertical and horizontal proliferation and to achieve nuclear disarmament, including through fulfilling the objectives of the NPT and achieving its universality.  The full implementation of the 2010 Action Plan and previous outcomes aimed at achieving the objectives of the NPT must therefore not be postponed any further.

    Addressing the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons is an absolute necessity. As an element that underpins the NPT, it is essential that the humanitarian consequences inform our work and actions during the current Review Cycle and beyond.

    This is an issue that affects not only governments, but each and every citizen of our interconnected world.  By raising awareness about the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons, civil society has a crucial role to play, side-by-side with governments, as we fulfil our responsibilities.  We owe it to future generations to work together to rid our world of the threat posed by nuclear weapons.

    I thank you.

  • Good Faith

    This article was originally published by NPT News In Review.

    new paper by Judge Christopher G. Weeramantry looks deeply at the concept of good faith, an extremely important concept included in Article VI of the NPT and a central principle of international law. Judge Weeramantry, who served as Vice President of the International Court of Justice when it ruled on the illegality of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons in 1996, is uniquely qualified to address this topic.

    The Court reinforced the importance of good faith in 1996 when it pronounced: “There exists an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control.”

    According to Weeramantry, “No higher legal pronouncement on a question of international law is possible than the unanimous opinion of the world’s highest court. No greater issue can come to a court than one involving the survival of humanity. No more all-embracing and respected concept exists in international law than the concept of good faith. The obligation spelled out by the Court straddled all these aspects of fundamental importance.”

    Modernization of nuclear weapons and delivery systems, comprehensively detailed in Reaching Critical Will’s report Still Assuring Destruction Forever, brings front and center the concept of good faith. Weeramantry does not mince words when he identifies these modernization programs as breach of good faith. He asks readers to consider whether “there has been not merely a violation of good faith but an actual manifestation of bad faith in this matter.”

    This breach of good faith through modernization programs is a shameful endless circle, with one country’s actions prompting the other nuclear powers to do likewise, escalating the level of departures from the duty of good faith. Such action has also, according to Weeramantry, prompted non-nuclear powers to seek to acquire nuclear weapons.

    In the context of the NPT, good faith would start with an immediate halt to the modernization of nuclear weapons and delivery systems. Good faith efforts must continue until the obligation of nuclear disarmament is achieved. As Judge Weeramantry concludes, “There can be no basis for the disregard or incomplete performance of an obligation so deeply ingrained in international law, so clearly undertaken by the nuclear powers, so carefully pronounced by the International Court of Justice and so definitely determining whether humanity will flourish or perish.”

    The Nuclear Age Peace Foundation’s briefing paper by Judge Weeramantry, Good Faith: Essential to Nuclear Disarmament and Human Survival, is available online atwww.wagingpeace.org/goto/goodfaith

    Rick Wayman is the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation’s Director of Programs and Operations.
  • H.R. 1650 – Nuclear Weapons Abolition and Economic and Energy Conversion Act of 2013

    113th CONGRESS

    1st Session

    H. R. 1650

    To provide for nuclear weapons abolition and economic conversion in accordance with District of Columbia Initiative Measure Number 37 of 1992, while ensuring environmental restoration and clean-energy conversion.

    IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

    April 18, 2013

    Ms. NORTON introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and in addition to the Committee on Armed Services, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned

    A BILL

    To provide for nuclear weapons abolition and economic conversion in accordance with District of Columbia Initiative Measure Number 37 of 1992, while ensuring environmental restoration and clean-energy conversion.

    Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

    SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

    This Act may be cited as the `Nuclear Weapons Abolition and Economic and Energy Conversion Act of 2013′.

    SEC. 2. REQUIREMENT FOR NUCLEAR WEAPONS ABOLITION AND ECONOMIC AND ENERGY CONVERSION.

    (a) In General- The United States Government shall–

    (1) provide leadership to negotiate and enter into a multilateral treaty or other international agreement by the date that is three years after the date of the enactment of this Act that provides for–

    (A) the dismantlement and elimination of all nuclear weapons in every country by not later than 2020; and

    (B) strict and effective international control of such dismantlement and elimination;

    (2) redirect resources that are being used for nuclear weapons programs to use–

    (A) in converting all nuclear weapons industry employees, processes, plants, and programs smoothly to constructive, ecologically beneficial peacetime activities, including strict control of all fissile material and radioactive waste, during the period in which nuclear weapons must be dismantled and eliminated pursuant to the treaty or other international agreement described in paragraph (1); and

    (B) in addressing human and infrastructure needs, including development and deployment of sustainable carbon-free and nuclear-free energy sources, health care, housing, education, agriculture, and environmental restoration, including long-term radioactive waste monitoring;

    (3) undertake vigorous, good-faith efforts to eliminate war, armed conflict, and all military operations; and

    (4) actively promote policies to induce all other countries to join in the commitments described in this subsection to create a more peaceful and secure world.

    (b) Effective Date- Subsection (a)(2) shall take effect on the date on which the President certifies to Congress that all countries possessing nuclear weapons have–

    (1) eliminated such weapons; or

    (2) begun such elimination under established legal requirements comparable to those described in subsection (a).

    Eleanor Holmes Norton represents Washington, DC in the U.S. House of Representatives.
  • Nuclear Roulette Has No Winners

    This article was originally published by Truthout.

    David KriegerThe United States and North Korea are playing a dangerous game of Nuclear Roulette.  The US is taking actions that threaten North Korea, such as conducting war games with US ally South Korea, including practice bombing runs that send nuclear-capable B-2 bombers from Missouri to the Korean Peninsula.  The North Koreans, in turn, are blustering, declaring they are in a state of war with South Korea, which technically is true since a truce and not a peace agreement ended the Korean War in 1953.  North Korean leaders have also cancelled the “hot line” with Seoul and are threatening nuclear attacks on the US, its troops and its allies.

    North Korea withdrew from the Non-Proliferation Treaty in 2003 and has since tested nuclear devices on three occasions (2006, 2009 and earlier this year).  It has also tested medium- and long-range missiles and is developing capabilities to threaten the US and its allies with nuclear weapons.  The US has responded to the North Korean tests by holding talks with other countries in Northeast Asia and putting increasingly stringent sanctions on North Korea.  The US also continues to regularly test its long-range, nuclear-capable missiles from Vandenberg Air Force Base in California.  Tensions in Northeast Asia continue to rise.

    Nuclear threats are an integral part of nuclear deterrence.  For nuclear deterrence to work effectively, it is necessary for an opponent to believe a nuclear threat is real.  When the US joins South Korea in playing war games with nuclear-capable aircraft on the Korean Peninsula, the message of threat is clear to the North Korean leaders.  Equally clear is the message from North Korea to the US with its nuclear tests and bluster: North Korea has a nuclear capability that could cause unacceptable harm to the US, its troops and its allies.

    From an objective perspective, each country has the capability to cause the other (or its troops or allies) horrific damage.  While they are pounding on their chests and demonstrating that they are in fact crazy enough to use nuclear weapons, they are engaged in a drama that hopes to dissuade the other side from actually doing so.  Both countries should take note of this.

    The dangerous game of Nuclear Roulette is built into the nuclear deterrence paradigm.  Each time the hammer of the gun is cocked and the gun is pointed at the other side’s head, the barrel of the opponent’s gun is also pointed at one’s own head.  An accident or miscalculation during a time of tension could trigger a nuclear holocaust.

    Yes, of course the United States is the stronger of the two countries and would fare better, perhaps far better, in a nuclear war, but that isn’t good enough.  Yes, North Korea could be destroyed as a functioning country, but at what cost?  In addition to the terrible cost in lives of North Koreans, the US and its allies would also pay a heavy price: first, in the deaths of US troops stationed in the Northeast Asian region; second, in the deaths and devastation of US allies, South Korea and Japan, and possibly of the US itself; and third, in the loss of stature and credibility of the US for having engaged in nuclear warfare that destroyed the lives of potentially millions of innocent North Koreans.

    Nuclear Roulette has no winners.  It is a game that no country should be playing.  But the leaders of countries with nuclear weapons tend to believe these weapons make their own country more secure.  They do not.  They risk everything we hold dear, all we love, and they undermine our collective sense of decency.  The only way out of the Nuclear Roulette dilemma is to unload the gun and assure that it cannot be used again by any side.

    We can do far better than we are doing.  For the short term, the US should stop conducting provocative war games in the region and instead offer some diplomatic carrots rather than sticks.  The US would go far to defuse a dangerous situation by again offering to support North Korea in providing food and energy for its people.  For the longer term, the US should lead the way forward by using its convening power to commence negotiations for a new treaty, a global Nuclear Weapons Convention, to achieve the phased, verifiable, irreversible and transparent elimination of nuclear weapons.

    David Krieger is President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.
  • The Most Important Lessons Life Taught Me

    David KriegerAs a young man, faced with the Vietnam War, I learned to follow my conscience, rather than the path of least resistance.  I learned that the US government, or any government, can lie a country into war, but that it cannot prosecute that war without willing soldiers and a willing populace.  I learned that a government can order a young person to kill on its behalf, but it can’t force a young person to do so.  I learned that a single committed person, young or old, can stand against the US government and prevail.  I learned that war is a terrible and often senseless tragedy, and that there are no good wars.  I learned that wars are a foolish way to settle conflicts, and that nuclear weapons have made the potential destruction of war far more devastating.  I learned that peace is not the space between wars, but rather a dynamic social process in which change occurs nonviolently.  I learned that peace is not only an end but a means.  I learned that peace requires perseverance, as does any great goal worth struggling for.  I learned that we are all connected, with each other, with the past and with the future.  I learned that each of us has a responsibility to act for the common good and for generations yet to come, and that none of us has a right to give up on achieving a more peaceful and decent world.


    David Krieger is President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.
  • Nuclear Myths Could Result in Catastrophe, Historian Warns

    Several ideas about nuclear weapons germinated in America after World War II, continued to sprout roots during the Cold War, and by now have taken full flower. The public rarely questions them, and neither do many scientists, military leaders, politicians or diplomats.

    One: We need these weapons because, should all-out war break out, we’ll need them to overwhelm our enemy and lay waste to its cities. That could win the war for us. Another: Nuclear weapons keep the world stable because they help prevent war in the first place. They have been around for almost 68 years. World War III has failed to ignite in that time. The bombs, it is concluded, have helped keep us safe.

    Or maybe that’s all wrong.  In his new book, Five Myths About Nuclear Weapons, historian Ward Wilson mines historical case studies – some ancient, some recent – to deflate the assumption that enemy leaders will capitulate if we wipe out a horribly large percentage of their urban populations. Reducing a rival country’s cities to smoking rubble on a massive scale, he writes, actually boosts its morale and determination to prevail.

    Wilson’s favorite proof is the behavior of Japan at the end of World War II. Americans generally think the dropping of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki spurred Japan to hastily end its fight. Using first-hand accounts of Japanese leaders’ meetings after the bombings and comments in their diaries and memoirs, Wilson concludes the A-bombs weren’t at all decisive. The Japanese had been tolerating the destruction of their cities for months, including the decimation of Tokyo by Allied firebombing. (Wilson argues persuasively that it was the abrupt entry of the Soviet Union into the battle against Japan, which occurred at the same time as Hiroshima, that caused Japanese political and military leaders to lose hope.)

    As for the mission of nuclear bombs to be peacekeepers rather than tools of war, Wilson all but dismisses deterrence theory as a straw man that’s never been proven to frighten a crow. Such theories, he maintains, amount to wishful thinking that is “doubtful from the word go.”

    What about familiar deterrence success stories, such as President John F. Kennedy’s willingness to bring the world to war during the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis — a strategy of keeping the peace by acting tough? Wilson sees that event, and many others during the Cold War and afterward, as actually a failure of deterrence. Kennedy, he writes, “saw the nuclear deterrence stop sign, saw the horrifying image of nuclear war painted on it, and gunned through the intersection anyway.” We’ve avoided wars mostly out of luck, in spite of ourselves.

    Wilson, 56, attended American University and is a senior fellow with the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies at the California-based Monterey Institute of International Studies. This is his first book, and it’s gained attention rapidly inside nuclear policy circles. The author says he wants to write another one, focusing solely on the weaknesses of deterrence theory, in the year ahead.

    NAPF spoke to Wilson about his belief that accepting old, unchallenged nuclear lessons will surely lead to eventual disaster. The following is an edited version of the conversation.

    KAZEL: You’ve written that after college in 1981 you were hired as a fellow at the Robert F. Kennedy Foundation, and the director, David Hackett — who’d been Bobby Kennedy’s best friend — persuaded you that you had the power to change the world. How did he do that?

    WILSON: He was Kennedy’s friend so he had great authority in my eyes. He took me for a walk by the Martin Luther King Public Library. I can remember children playing all around. He said, [affects a Boston accent], “Wahd, Wahd, what do you care about?” I said, “Nuclear weapons.” He never said, “I want you to do this, or I want you to do that.” Somehow, wordlessly, in the way he framed it, it seemed so clear to me that he expected that I had to do something about this problem – that I was interested in it, and therefore I had the capacity tochange it. I was young and credulous, so I believed him.

    KAZEL: After that you had a conversation with the scientist Freeman Dyson, who gave you a “fundamental insight” into whether nuclear weapons actually are useful or not. What happened there?

    WISLON: I got to know Dyson because I went to a conference on nuclear weapons that encouraged me to do more. Helen Caldicott spoke and [nuclear freeze advocate] Randall Forsberg spoke. Dyson spoke.…

    [Later Dyson] gave me, to look at, a book review that he was writing. In it he talked about the [1982] Falklands War. He said that Great Britain could have nuked Buenos Aires. But even had they done that, they still would have had to send conventional forces to reconquer the Falkland Islands. It hit me really hard that blowing up cities doesn’t occupy territory. It doesn’t put soldiers on the ground who can enforce boundaries, or inspect people walking by, or check papers.

    It suddenly became clear to me, at some intuitive level, that the weapons were limited in the way that they were useful. Yeah, you can blow stuff up, but that doesn’t necessarily get you what you want. After all, the United States and Great Britain blew up Hamburg [in World War II] and they destroyed Dresden, and they bombed Berlin. But that didn’t force Germany to its knees.

    KAZEL: You also read Herman Kahn, and you felt he was incorrect in saying that nuclear weapons were so new and unprecedented that we can’t make predictions about them.  You now say it’s possible to go back to previous wars, even back to the Siege of Carthage [in 152 BC], and conclude that attacking cities doesn’t help to win a war. Why do you think we can look at history that old and think it’s still relevant?

    WILSON: I read this passage from Herman Kahn, and he said, we have so little experience with nuclear weapons – which is true – therefore, everything we think must be theoretical. He [was] essentially making a case for game theory and this logic-based scenario work that was done in the 1950s and ’60s. I said to myself, that can’t be right. War is not fundamentally technological. War is fundamentally a human activity.

    The tools we use to wage war may be different. We ourselves are still the same, largely. I believe human nature changes only very slowly over thousands of years. So if it’s true human beings react to the destruction of a city relatively the same across history, and I can’t think of a reason why they wouldn’t, it should be possible to look at Carthage. It ought to be possible to study the sacking and burning of Liège [in 1468] by Charles the Bold. It ought to be possible to look at the destruction of Magdeburg in 1631 by [Johann Tserclaes count von] Tilly, when he burned the city and 30,000 people died…

    That ought to give you real experiential information. We can imagine what a nuclear war would be like, but essentially it’s all speculation. It’s theory. Maybe it’s right, but maybe it’s wrong. Fundamentally, I’m a pragmatist. I believe in facts. So, this insight [is] that even though the weapons are new, the soldier, the combatants are essentially the same.

    That is why I was not surprised to discover that Hiroshima had not forced the Japanese to surrender at the end of World War II: because I had spent seven years studying history where cities had been truly destroyed. In no case did it ever cause a war to be won.

    KAZEL: Is it your conclusion, after conferring with military people, that our military is still focused on destroying enemy cities if a nuclear war ever happens?

    WILSON: Well, I’ll tell you what I know. At least as late as the Clinton administration, I had a chance to sit down with Lee Butler [retired Air Force general and commander of Strategic Air Command] in his kitchen. He told me what it was like every month…to have someone rush into the room unexpectedly. You don’t have any warning. Some guy runs in and says, “Sir, you’re needed in the War Room.” You go downstairs, and there’s an incoming attack. It’s an exercise – you know it’s an exercise. But even so, all the circumstances are as they would be.

    Then you have this conversation with whomever is playing the President at the White House. You go through your checklist. And you have four options, MAO 1 through 4. Major attack options 1 through 4: 1 is leadership, 2 is leadership plus military, 3 is leadership plus military plus economy, and 4 is leadership plus military plus economy plus civilian population. He said to me that every practice scenario was designed in such a way that you had to recommend MAO 4 – the one in which you target civilians.

    Has the targeting changed since the Clinton administration? I don’t know. I’ve had some conversations with [military] people who very strongly assert that the U.S. doesn’t target civilian populations because that would be “illegal” and that they have lawyers who check the target list for “legality.”

    KAZEL: Under what law?

    WILSON: I don’t know whether it’s a military handbook of conduct or international humanitarian law. I don’t know. But at least as late as the Clinton administration, the [war plan] absolutely called for targeting civilians.

    KAZEL: About three weeks ago, you made a presentation at the Pentagon for the Air Force nuclear staff. Did they discuss if the Air Force still has targeting plans against cities?

    WILSON: No, they were very careful. We had very serious conversations. We didn’t agree. But they took what I had to say very seriously and listened closely, and I listened to them.

    KAZEL: What didn’t they agree about?

    WILSON: Well, at the end, a guy said, “Well, maybe nuclear weapons are the outmoded weapons of the past, but shouldn’t we then be thinking about what weapon we need in order to deter our opponents?”  Obviously that’s their mindset; they’ve been assigned that as their job. But the fact that they couldconsider the notion that nuclear weapons are outmoded, are blundering, clumsy weapons of the past – that seemed to me to be remarkable.

    I think that the whole trend in warfare [emerging today] is away from pointless destruction, which is essentially what nuclear weapons do best, and toward drones and targeted, small [missiles]. Obviously, drone missiles create a whole series of very serious problems in terms of accountability. Even smaller missiles like that have terrible consequences for civilians. However, killing a leader of Al-Qaeda with a Hellfire missile and killing 13 other people who are innocent is considerably different from using a nuclear weapon to kill a leader of Al-Qaeda and killing 130,000 people who are innocent.

    I think the whole trend in warfare is away from “big” weapons, like nuclear weapons, and toward [accuracy]. What terrifies you [as a leader] is the thought that you may die, you may lose control of your regime, not that somebody else you don’t know will die.

    KAZEL:  But even by that reasoning, does that necessarily lead to nuclear disarmament? One could argue that tactical nuclear weapons — anything from artillery shells to antisubmarine nuclear torpedoes — could be developed instead of nuclear arms for use against cities. But that still isn’t nuclear abolition.

    WILSON: Right. But these arguments I’m making by themselves might not be sufficient. Organizations like the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation and others have been making powerful moral arguments against nuclear weapons for 20, 30, 40 years. That nuclear weapons are so clearly immoral and not very useful makes a powerful combination. By themselves, either argument might or might not be sufficient. In combination, you have an irresistible argument, it seems to me.

    KAZEL: Do you think that the use of any nuclear weapon is immoral?

    WILSON: If you use a nuclear weapon to destroy an asteroid coming towards the world, well, that’s fine. That’s moral. Using a nuclear weapon in almost any setting, anywhere on the globe, probably you’ll kill innocent civilians…By and large, nuclear weapons are so clumsy, so messy, that they almost inevitably kill innocents.

    KAZEL: Why did you decide for your book to veer almost completely away from the moral arguments against nuclear arms and stress the practical, military arguments?

    WILSON: I knew that there have already been so many well-argued, strong moral arguments made over the last 60 years that I can’t do any better than that. This is an area where I thought something new could be said.

    KAZEL: Should antinuclear groups be making more of an effort to emphasize strategic, military arguments, instead of what you call arguments based on “moral outrage”?

    WILSON: Antinuclear groups should do what works. You have to imagine, I’ve been sitting in a room for 30 years thinking about nuclear weapons. I don’t know what motivates people or how to organize a political [movement].

    You know, one of the crucial ingredients to getting the [1997 international landmine ban treaty] was that, at some point, military guys stepped forward and said, “In some circumstances landmines can help, but they’re fundamentally not that useful in a war.” When you combine that with the clear moral cost, and humanitarian impact, it became clear what needed to be done.

    KAZEL: Some analysts argue that emerging nuclear nations view the weapons as a sign of national power and prestige – but that they don’t actually expect to use the weapons. How do we persuade nations such as Iran not to want a nuclear weapon?

    WILSON: The problem is we’ve over-inflated their value. It seemed like a good idea when we were using that over-inflated value to create deterrence, to deter others. The difficulty is now others take that over-inflated value, and they think, “Oh, nuclear weapons are magic. They can keep my country safe no matter what I do, and I can behave in any way that I want to behind this shield. And I need to eat grass in order to be able to get them.”

    The first step in doing something about nuclear weapons is to devalue them, to show they’re not magic, to get people to rethink deterrence. If you go through almost any document about deterrence, and cross it out and put “voodoo” in its place, the document will read essentially the same.

    Another thing about the utility question is a two-part evaluation: the usefulness and the danger. They’re dangerous and they’re not useful in hardly any circumstances, and we just need to do something as fast as we possibly can. If you wait a hundred years, you will ensure that someone is going to use nuclear weapons. Either there will be a fight over resources because of global warming, or there will be so many nations with nuclear weapons that someone will sell a nuclear weapon out the backdoor to a terrorist.

    KAZEL: You recommend that “extraordinary efforts” should be taken to prevent more nations from getting nuclear weapons. Would you support military action against Iran to prevent it from getting nuclear weapons?

    WILSON: I wouldn’t support military action against Iran. I think that’s silly. I think it’s absolutely true that every nation that gets nuclear weapons increases the danger, but I don’t think it’s true that the increase in danger means that nation is more powerful.

    Imagine three or four people in your neighborhood felt unsafe, and decided to carry a bottle of nitroglycerine around with them wherever they went. These three or four people, if you bump into them on the street and knock them over and the nitroglycerine explodes, you get killed. So they make your neighborhood more dangerous, but are they really safer? If you want to rob them, you get a gun and stand really close to them and say, “Give me the dough.” Their nitroglycerine doesn’t help because you’re standing right next to them.

    But then imagine over time, more and more people in the neighborhood say, “Hey, this is a great idea,I’ll get a bottle of nitroglycerine.” Each neighbor that gets a bottle of nitroglycerine makes your neighborhood less safe — but it doesn’t necessarily protect any of them or give them power. It doesn’t help, but it clearly hurts. That’s the way I see nuclear weapons. It’s bad that Iran seems to be building a nuclear weapon, but will that give them the power to dominate the Middle East once they have them? No, I don’t think so.

    KAZEL: So, when you say “extraordinary efforts,” would that mean efforts beyond what is being done now?

    WILSON: Yeah, you could take some risks – politically. You could be nice to the Iranians. Now, they are an ancient civilization, with a long tradition of scholarship, very strong religious views, and a unique perspective on religion. Ancient culture, sophisticated, subtle. Very much like France – once much more powerful, dominant culturally in the world.

    My assessment is Iran wants nuclear weapons so they will be treated with the respect they believe they deserve. There’s a lot you can do [diplomatically], and maybe that gets you in trouble on the Right in the United States.

    I really don’t think military action makes much sense. The Iranians close the Straits of Hormuz, and then we have an oil crisis and the world economy crashes. Moral issues aside, it’s just stupid policy.

    KAZEL: You recommend in your book a world study of the usefulness of nuclear weapons, and a “full stop” on the development of new nuclear systems. But you don’t recommend nuclear abolition in it. However, in a presentation you made at the UN three weeks ago, you seemed more resolute. You said abolition is not impossible if the worldview of pro-nuclear advocates is questioned. You said abolitionists “clearly have the more convincing case” than proponents of the weapons.

    WILSON: Part of the process of talking about this with a lot of people is that you listen and you find out what they think you’ve missed, or not. The reaction that I’m getting, so far at least, is that people don’t feel there is any serious mistake or flaw [in my arguments]. That’s reassuring, and that makes me feel I can push what I intuitively feel a little bit more.

    KAZEL: You did feel strongly enough about your evidence in the book to recommend that the U.S. and Russia decrease their nuclear weapons to the low hundreds. You also say it’s very dangerous to have nuclear weapons on hair-trigger alert.

    WILSON: I got in a lot of trouble with the Pentagon for that. I sat at lunch with a squadron commander of one of the missile facilities in Montana. He was talking to me about what it’s like to work in the facility and how you go down underground. I think they have 72 hours on and 72 hours off. They want to have pride in what they do, and they believe that the thing about hair-trigger alert is wrong because they have all these careful rules in place. What they take pride in is making sure you could never have an accident…

    I had to explain to him that I think the problem with hair-trigger alert is not that the U.S. mechanism for maintaining its nuclear forces is prone to breakdown, not that they’re doing a bad job. But I thinkleaders need to have time to think [an urgent situation] over and double-check. Kennedy said if he had been forced to decide about the Cuban Missile Crisis on the first day, he’d have launched the air strikes instead of doing the less-militaristic blockade. The air strikes could have led to nuclear war, since we now know they had tactical nuclear weapons on Cuba.

    People go off half-cocked. They lose their heads. They get overwhelmed by emotion. They want retribution, and when leaders have the power to launch nuclear weapons without a chance for reflection, then that’s a danger.

    Something that causes leaders to be forced to think about it for at least 24 hours, and maybe longer, makes a lot of sense to me. You read history and people make rash decisions. It happens all the time.

    Robert Kazel is a Chicago-based freelance writer and was a participant in the 2012 NAPF Peace Leadership Workshop.